Personal and Household Caregiving from Adult Children to Parents and Social Stratification

Urdiola, Sebastián Sarasa; Billingsley, Sunnee

doi:10.4337/9781848445147.00012

Cited by 27 publications

(51 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Following common trends in other European countries, this new form of commodification of care work has been crucially facilitated by mass migration since the end of the 1990s. In fact, the incidence of migrant carers in the domestic sector has rapidly become a key element in the configuration of care systems in Southern Europe (Bettio et al 2006;Bettio and Solinas 2009;Simonazzi 2009) although, as argued by Sarasa and Billingsley (2008) this 'private solution' to confront the problem of care supply given insufficient public provision generates important inequalities across social strata. …”

Section: Source: Eurostat Lfs 2010mentioning

confidence: 99%

Italy and Spain: Still the Case of Familistic Welfare Models?

León¹,

Migliavacca²

2013

prv

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Italy and Spain are often labeled by the literature on comparative welfare as "familistic" welfare systems. Although it is not possible to find a unified criteria which defines and specifies what is meant by "familism" as a feature of a given welfare state model, generally speaking the term refers to the key role that the family plays in the overarching architecture of the welfare system, acting as the main provider of care and welfare for children and dependent individuals. This article will reflect on these questions by critically revising the framing of Southern European welfare states as "familistic" in the comparative welfare and care regimes literature. We will then look at trends of female labour force participation in Italy and Spain over the last two decades in terms of the intensity of women's participation in the labour market and their prevailing pattern of participation for both countries. We will look at activity, employment and unemployment according to age, education level, civil status and number of children; and patterns of participation by looking at permanency in employment and type of contract (part-time/full-time and fixed-term). The idea here is to analyse the extent to which Italy and Spain have (or have not) made the transition from a 'male breadwinner model' (where women remain outside paid employment) towards a more diversified pattern of family formation with regards the labour market participation of women. The purpose will also be that of stressing divergences between these two countries in their evolution of their female labour force that may question their assumed similarities.

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Section: Source: Eurostat Lfs 2010mentioning

confidence: 99%

Italy and Spain: Still the Case of Familistic Welfare Models?

León¹,

Migliavacca²

2013

prv

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“…Differences in material resources in old age, i.e. in income and wealth, related to the use of care services can be attributed to structural differences, such as closer geographical proximity of informal carers and lower opportunity costs of paid employment in lower socioeconomic groups (Sarasa & Bilingsley ), as well as economic factors, such as ability to pay for out‐of‐pocket costs, cultural factors (Blinkert & Klie , Colombo et al . , Theobald ) and to traditional gender roles (Da Roit ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Analysing the importance of older people's resources for the use of home care in a cash-for-care scheme: evidence from Vienna

Schmidt

2016

Health Soc Care Community

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Older people of lower socioeconomic status (SES) are disproportionately affected by chronic conditions, yet less able to compensate health limitations through use of formal long-term care (LTC) at home, a preferred type of care for most. Some, like older women and single people, are particularly vulnerable. Under the Austrian public cash-for-care scheme, which aims to incentivise care at home and empowerment of LTC users, this study analyses: (i) interdependencies between SES, gender and 'informal' or family care, and (ii) how these factors associate with the use of old age formal home care in Vienna. An adaptation of Arber and Ginn's theory is used to identify material resources (income), health resources (care needs) and informal caring resources (co-residence and/or availability of family care). Gender aspects are also considered as a persistent source of inequalities. Administrative and survey data, collected by public authorities between 2010 and 2012 in Vienna, serve to compare home care use in old age (60+) to other support forms (residential and informal care) using logistic regression analysis. Results show a pro-rich bias in home care use among single-living people, with high-income single people being less likely to move to a care home, while there are no significant income differences present for non-singles. Second, traditional gender roles are salient: female care recipients co-residing with a partner are more likely to use formal care than men, reflecting that men's traditional gender roles involve less unpaid care work than women's. In conclusion, in an urban setting, the Austrian cash-for-care scheme is likely to reinforce stratifications along gender and class, thus implementing the general policy objective of care at home, but more likely for those with higher income. A support mechanism promoting empowerment among all older people might contribute to unequal degrees of choice, especially for those with fewer resources to manage their way through a fragmented system of LTC delivery.

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“…By contrast, most of the families that do not have sufficient financial resources to hire private care for their elderly dependants may feel they have no choice other than assuming such responsibility directly. As Sarasa and Billingsley (2008) concluded, in countries where home care is provided mainly by the market, as in Spain, is where we can find more social class inequalities. In fact, the poorer children cannot afford the services and they have to bear the care burdens more than the richest ones.…”

mentioning

confidence: 96%

“…One out of five caregivers state that he/she has economic problems (INE 2008). Sarasa and Billingsley (2008) argue that there exists a trade-off between caregiving to aged parents and paid employment, pulling children out of the labour market when parents' needs are great and no alternative resources are available. The demanding characteristics of taking care of someone in Spain, in many cases, makes caring incompatible with the possibility to work in the labour market -25% of caregivers said that they found themselves in this situation- (INE 2008).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Redefining the dynamics of intergenerational family solidarity in spain

Caïs

Cots

2013

European Societies

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This article analyses the dynamics of family solidarity in Spain. The existing literature so far has defined the Spanish caring model as familistic due to the primacy of the family in the protection of dependants. However, this article shows that recent data on Spaniards' preferences concerning the care of their family dependents might question the sustainability of the bases of such model. This is consistent with the results of the OASIS Project (Lownstein and Daatlan 2006), according to which societal changes may be leading to family care becoming less duty-driven and more dependent on personal affection and attachment.2 The Spanish welfare state is labelled as familistic because family makes up for the lack of public benefits dampening adverse economic cycles and the problems of its more fragile members: children, young people and, especially, the elderly. Family solidarity is considered beneficial because it contains public spending and generates positive effects of solidarity and security in the population. Moreover, the expectations of the dependent elderly are focused on family, not on social services that always have been scarce in Spain and they are worsening with the economic crisis. But the Spanish welfare state based on familist values appears to be increasingly ineffective and more difficult to sustain. This article explains how changes in family structure and dynamics, along with the high rates of female labour force that Spain has recently achieved, affect family caregiving preferences and strategies.

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Personal and Household Caregiving from Adult Children to Parents and Social Stratification

Cited by 27 publications

References 40 publications

Italy and Spain: Still the Case of Familistic Welfare Models?

Italy and Spain: Still the Case of Familistic Welfare Models?

Analysing the importance of older people's resources for the use of home care in a cash-for-care scheme: evidence from Vienna

Redefining the dynamics of intergenerational family solidarity in spain

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