Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia

Scott, James C.

doi:10.2307/1959280

Cited by 816 publications

(423 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Nathan Quimpo clarifies the term (11). Patron relationship forms the client described by James c. Scott as follows, "The patron-client relationship -an exchange relationship between roles -may be defined as a special case of dyadic (two person) ties involving a largely instrumental friendship in which an individual of higher socioeconomic status (patron) uses his own influence and resources to provide protection or benefit, or both, for a person of lower status (client) who, for his part, reciprocates by offering general support and assistance, including personal, to the patron" (12).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

New Patronage Networks of Pemuda Pancasila in Governor Election of North Sumatra In 2013

Amin

Sismudjito

Siregar

2018

int.jour.sci.res.mana.

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Abstract:This research is motivated by the emergence of the "thugs" as local actors in North Sumatra that play a role in supporting Gatot Pudjonugroho as a candidate for Governor of North Sumatra. The majority of local actors were coming from a cadre of Pemuda Pancasila. They do not just rely on violence and money owned, but they have a network to rulers in the region. They can use that capacity to gain access to the resources of the local government and maximize the power network owned. The main theory is used Bossism theory of John T. Sidel and Group Violence written by Masaaki and Rozaki. A case study approach and qualitative analysis and typology chosen as a way to draw up a written interpretation of the data, interview and observation. The findings show that a form of intimidation by members of the Pemuda Pancasila is threatening physical beatings and create inconvenience voters who did not vote candidate supported. The pattern of mobilization on the basis of patron-client pyramid. Model relationship that exists between the Pemuda Pancasila with the bureaucracy, businessmen, and local print media carried out on symbiotic mutualism. The phenomenon appears and the persistence of local bosses and violent groups identify their distinctive differences in North Sumatra. A contribution to Political Science theory perspective found in this study is called Theory of New Patronage Network of Local Boss.

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Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

New Patronage Networks of Pemuda Pancasila in Governor Election of North Sumatra In 2013

Amin

Sismudjito

Siregar

2018

int.jour.sci.res.mana.

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“…These linked party leaders and office seekers (i.e. patrons) at the top to electoral clients through various levels of brokers organized in a pyramidal fashion (Scott, 1972). As a result, patron-client relations became more broker-mediated and instrumental-rational (Weingrod, 1968).…”

Section: What Is Patronage?mentioning

confidence: 99%

When the Victor Cannot Claim the Spoils: Institutional Incentives for Professionalizing Patronage States

Schuster¹

2016

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In most of the world's states, bureaucrats are managed based on patronage: political discretion determines recruitment and careers. Corruption, poverty and lower growth often result. Unsurprisingly, patronage reform has taken centre stage in foreign aid.Yet, reforms overwhelmingly fail. Bad government is often good politics. When does good government become good politics in patronage states?To address this conundrum, this dissertation develops and tests a theory of reform of

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“…Ver Ames, 2001;Guevara Mann, 2001;Hagopian, 1996;Hartlyn, 1988, p. 170-183;Legg e Lemarchand, 1972;Mainwaring, 1999, p. 175-218;O'Donnell, 1996;Scott, 1972;e Stokes, no prelo. Líderes e personalização tornaram-se cada vez mais importantes em resultados de eleições, mesmo em países com sistemas de governo parlamentaristas, constituindo o fenômeno chamado de "presidencialização das campanhas eleitorais modernas" (CREWE e KING, 1994;KAASE, 1994). Nas democracias industriais avançadas, a avaliação dos líderes pelos cidadãos contém componentes programáticos, ideológicos ou de identificação partidária.…”

Section: Raízes Partidárias E Voto Personalistaunclassified

Teoria e institucionalização dos sistemas partidários após a terceira onda de democratização

Mainwaring

Torcal

2005

Opin. Publica

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Teoria e institucionalização dos sistemas partidários após a terceira onda de democratizaçãoResumo Este artigo examina duas diferenças entre os sistemas partidários das democracias industriais avançadas e os de países menos desenvolvidos, particularmente em termos do nível de institucionalização. O argumento geral é que os sistemas partidários dos países menos desenvolvidos são menos institucionalizados. De modo mais específico, mostramos primeiro que a maioria das democracias e semi-democracias em países menos desenvolvidos têm uma volatilidade eleitoral muito mais alta e menos estabilidade eleitoral do que as democracias industriais avançadas. E, em segundo lugar, boa parte da literatura sobre partidos e sistemas partidários pressupõe o contexto de sistemas partidários institucionalizados com partidos fortemente enraizados na sociedade e supõe ainda que vínculos programáticos e ideológicos estão na raiz dos vínculos estáveis entre eleitores e partidos. Nos sistemas partidários da maioria das democracias e semi-democracias dos países menos desenvolvidos, os vínculos programáticos e ideológicos entre eleitores e partidos são mais fracos. Nessa mesma direção, os vínculos entre eleitores e candidatos são mais personalistas nas democracias e semidemocracias dos países menos desenvolvidos do que nas democracias industriais avançadas. Palavras-chave: partidos políticos, sistemas partidários, democracia, institucionalização. AbstractThis paper examines two differences between the party systems of the advanced industrial democracies and party systems of less developed countries, particularly in terms of the level of institutionalization. The overarching argument is that the party systems of less developed countries are less institutionalized.More specifically, we first show that most democracies and semi-democracies in less developed countries have much higher electoral volatility and less electoral stability than the advanced industrial democracies. Second, much of the literature on parties and party systems assumes the context of institutionalized party systems with strong party roots in society and further presupposes that programmatic or ideological linkages are at the root of the stable linkages between voters and parties. In the party systems of most democracies and semi-democracies in less developed countries, programmatic or ideological linkages between voters and parties are weaker. In this direction also, linkages between voters and candidates are more personalistic in democracies and semi-democracies of less developed countries than in the advanced industrial democracies. Keywords: political parties, party systems, democracy, institutionalization. Scott MainwaringUniversity of Notre Dame, Estados Unidos Mariano TorcalUniversitat Pompeu Fabra, Espanha OPINIÃO PÚBLICA, Campinas, Vol. XI, nº 2, Outubro, 2005, p. 249-286 250 O principal argumento deste artigo é que o nível de institucionalização é uma dimensão central para compreender os sistemas partidários 1 . Até meados dos anos 1990, a maioria dos trabalh...

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Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia

Cited by 816 publications

References 11 publications

New Patronage Networks of Pemuda Pancasila in Governor Election of North Sumatra In 2013

New Patronage Networks of Pemuda Pancasila in Governor Election of North Sumatra In 2013

When the Victor Cannot Claim the Spoils: Institutional Incentives for Professionalizing Patronage States

Teoria e institucionalização dos sistemas partidários após a terceira onda de democratização

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