BIBLID [1130-2887 (2016) 72, 147-164] Fecha de recepción: 6 de abril del 2013 Fecha de aceptación y versión final: 29 de junio de 2015 RESUMEN: Este artículo examina los supuestos sobre el funcionamiento generizado de las emociones en los debates sobre género y clientelismo en Argentina. A través del caso de la red de referentes barriales que realizan la distribución territorial del programa de asistencia alimentaria Plan Vida en la Provincia de Buenos Aires, distingo dos formas de concebir lo afectivo en la participación política de las mujeres de sectores populares. Mientras que la primera enfatiza el gerenciamiento de la expresión externa de las propias emociones como parte del hacer política, la segunda considera el trabajo afectivo territorial que establece conexiones entre actores, genera capital social y permite la circulación de información local. La conclusión sugiere que la segunda perspectiva da mayor relevancia a la agencia de estas intermediarias políticas y abre la posibilidad de transformar relaciones de dominación.Palabras clave: afectos; género; clientelismo; emociones; pobreza; Argentina.ABSTRACT: This article examines how emotions are understood, in deeply gendered ways, within gender and clientelism debates in Argentina. By looking at the case study of the voluntary network of neighborhood representatives of Plan Vida, which distributes food aid in the Province of Buenos Aires, I distinguish two ways of conceiving affects in grassroots women's political participation. While the first one emphasizes the management of the external expression of emotions as part of doing politics, the second one considers affective labour in a given urban territory as fostering connections among actors, creating social capital and allowing the flow of relevant information. The conclusion suggests that the second approach gives greater relevance to

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The study of political influence in the West has for the most part focused on the process by which interest groups affect the content of legislation; hence, the input process has occupied the center of attention.Students of politics in the new states of Africa and Asia who have adopted this perspective, however, have been struck by the relative weakness both of interest structures to organize demands and of institutionalized channels through which such demands, once organized, might be communicated to decisionmakers. The open clash of organized interests is often conspicuously absent during the formulation of legislation in these nations. To conclude from this, however, that the public has little or no effect on the eventual “output” of government would be completely unwarranted. Between the passage of legislation and its actual implementation lies an entirely different political arena that, in spite of its informality and particularism, has a great effect on the execution of policy.Much of the expression of political interests in the new states has been disregarded because Western scholars, accustomed to their own politics, have been looking in the wrong place. A large portion of individual demands, and even group demands, in developing nations reach the political system, not before laws are passed, but rather at the enforcement stage.

This study presents an analysis of Malay peasant resistance to the Islamic zakat today and of French peasant resistance earlier to the Christian tithe, but it is offered with a larger argument in mind. Its purpose is to show that a vast range of what counts—or should count—as peasant resistance involves no overt protest and requires little or no organization.