Panel data analysis and partisan variables: how periodization does influence partisan effects

Schmitt, Carina

doi:10.1080/13501763.2015.1091030

Cited by 86 publications

(96 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…For both welfare generosity and deregulation, cabinets (rather than countryyears) are the more suitable temporal and substantial units of analysis because the preferences of political parties are expected to gain effectiveness within governmental periods (see Schmitt, 2015). Hence, we use cabinets as our unit of analysis.…”

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on socio-economic policies

Röth

Afonso

Spies

2017

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

124

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Because they are now members of most Western European parliaments, Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs) have the potential to influence the formulation of socio-economic policies. However, scholarly attention so far has nearly exclusively focussed on the impact of PRRPs on what is considered their 'core issue', that is migration policy. In this paper, we provide the first mixed methods comparative study of the impact of PRRPs on redistributive and (de-)regulative economic policies. Combining quantitative data with qualitative case studies, our results show that the participation of PRRPs in right-wing governments has noteworthy implications for socio-economic policies. Due to the heterogeneous constituencies of PRRPs, these parties not only refrain from welfare state retrenchment but are also less inclined to engage in deregulation compared with right-wing governments without PRRP participation.

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Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on socio-economic policies

Röth

Afonso

Spies

2017

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

124

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“…When the country-year is employed as the unit of analysis, the dataset has a TSCS format, which is the standard tool on which comparative policy scholars base their analyses (Schmitt 2016). In each set, we test in separate regressions the influence of leftist, liberal and green party families, on the one hand, and conservative, religious and right-wing party families, on the other.…”

Section: Methodological Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Accordingly, recent research has argued that a focus on cabinets or government terms, instead of country-years, is a more suitable choice when testing for party effects (Schmitt 2016). Yet this dominant approach of relying on country-years comes along with a range of theoretical problems.…”

Section: Why the Unit Of Analysis We Choose Affects The Answers We Getmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For the most part, we follow the approach proposed by Schmitt (2016). For the most part, we follow the approach proposed by Schmitt (2016).…”

Section: Measurement: Cabinets and Party Familiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reflecting recent developments in the discipline (Garritzmann & Seng 2016;Schmitt 2016), we not only test whether parties matter for morality policy output, but also whether the probability of finding such an effect varies depending on the unit of analysis we choose. Specifically, we are interested in whether or not particular party families can be associated with more restrictive or more permissive morality policies.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Partisan effects in morality policy making

Budde¹,

Heichel²,

Hurka³

et al. 2017

European J Political Res

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Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.

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Impact of socioeconomic conditions on happiness: Evidence from emerging market economies

Kumari

Sahu

Sahoo

et al. 2021

Journal of Public Affairs

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The objective of the present study is to examine the impact of socioeconomic conditions on happiness in 21 Emerging Market Economies (EMEs) with the help of three sub-samples comprising America, Asia, and EMEA (Europe, Middle East, and Africa) countries from 2006 to 2019. For this objective, panel corrected standard error model is used to resolve the problem of cross-sectional dependence, groupwise heteroscedasticity, and panel autocorrelation. The results of the study reveal that economic growth plays a positive role in determining the happiness of EMEs of America and EMEA sample countries. At the same time, globalisation and inflation affect the happiness of people in American sample countries in a negative way. In the sample of Asian countries, social support has a substantial impact on happiness. Corruption in the government and business sectors reduces the happiness of selected countries of both Asia and America. This article contributes to the existing literature by first time considering EMEs which have undergone liberalisation reforms and experienced transformation in their socioeconomic conditions. In conclusion, the study suggests that GDP per capita and social support positively stimulates happiness while the perception of corruption negatively impacts happiness in selected EMEs.These implications can help in building a line of actions for strengthening anti-corruption institutions and promoting social integrations among these EMEs.

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Panel data analysis and partisan variables: how periodization does influence partisan effects

Cited by 86 publications

References 35 publications

The impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on socio-economic policies

The impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on socio-economic policies

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Impact of socioeconomic conditions on happiness: Evidence from emerging market economies

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