On two types of underspecification: Towards a feature theory shared by syntax and phonology

Rooryck, Johan

doi:10.1515/prbs.1994.6.2-3.207

Cited by 32 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…Plunkett compares her analysis to one in which WH +ESK would be analyzed as routine (cf. Rooryck 1994). She claims that the competing analysis predicts -contrary to fact -that periphrastic questions are acquired (i.e.…”

Section: Variation In the Target Grammarmentioning

confidence: 95%

Acquiring optionality in french wh-questions: an experimental study*

Zuckerman

Hulk

2003

rql

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AbstractThis paper presents an experimental study of the acquisition of rootwh-questions in French, in whichwh-movement is optional. Thirty-twowh-questions were elicited from 33 French-speaking children and 22 adults to allow for a quantitative and qualitative comparison with respect to the various word orders. A comparison reveals the following findings: 1° Children produce morewh-in-situ structures; 2° Children produce no subject-verb inversion structures while adults use them often; 3° The choice of question-structure is related to thewh-word that is used, for all subjects; 4° Children are aware of adults’ preferences but do not imitate them; 5° They acquire the various structures for eachwh-element separately; 6° The acquisition of optional rules reflects an interaction of external factors (the input) and internal factors (economy).

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Section: Variation In the Target Grammarmentioning

confidence: 95%

Acquiring optionality in french wh-questions: an experimental study*

Zuckerman

Hulk

2003

rql

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“…In this case, the wh-particle ne not only values C 0 as [ϩQ] C 0 but also specifies it as [ϩwh] C 0 . 8 Following Rooryck's (1994) idea of embedded Attribute-Value sets of phi features, 334 Japanese speakers' L2 Chinese 7 Simpson's suggestion here is similar to the idea put forward by Cheng (1991), who proposes that the motivation for wh-movement to Spec CP is to 'type' a clause as a wh-question. However, the whmovement in Simpson's account is due to a formal morphological requirement.…”

Section: Wh-questions In Chinese Japanese and Englishmentioning

confidence: 75%

“…To value the head C 0 as [ϩwh], a phonetically unrealized wh-operator in a wh-word inside the sentence has to raise overtly to C 0 , which not only specifies the head C 0 as [ϩwh] but also triggers it to become a licensor for the in-situ wh-word in the sentence. Using Rooryck's (1994) AttributeValue system, the featural representations of Japanese wh-questions would be as in (15). The head C 0 in (15a) is ambiguous; when the question particle no is merged into the head C 0 , 14 the force of the sentence is valued as [ϩQ], as in (15b), but it remains ambiguous as to whether it is a yes/no question or a wh-question.…”

Section: Wh-questions In Chinese Japanese and Englishmentioning

confidence: 99%

Japanese speakers' second language Chinese wh-questions: a lexical morphological feature deficit account

Yuan

2007

Second Language Research

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“…Having as a starting point a feature system inspired in Rooryck (1994), Martins (1997Martins ( , 2000 proposes a classification that is applicable to all polarity items and that is based on three different polarity features: affirmative, modal and negative. According to Martins, each one of these features exhibits a value and that value can be specified or underspecified.…”

Section: Negation In Old Portuguesementioning

confidence: 99%

Negative Indefinites in the history of Portuguese : the case of <em>nemigalha</em>

Pinto

2018

ELG

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This paper focuses on negative indefinites in Portuguese, paying particular attention to nemigalha, a negative indefinite that disappeared from the language around the 16 th century. We claim that nemigalha originates from the reanalysis of the negative particle nem and the minimizer migalha in an early stage of the language, starting as a weak negative polarity item and then becoming a strong negative polarity item, in the sense of Martins (1997Martins ( , 2000. It is well known that minimizers can grammaticalize into intrinsically negative items, being good candidates to undergo the Jespersen Cycle (Jespersen 1917). Although that was not the case of nemigalha, it completed all the grammaticalization stages proposed by Garzonio & Poletto (2008, 2009, losing all the properties of a common noun and being able to stand alone as the only negative marker in preverbal position. The comparison between nemigalha and the negative indefinite nada shows that both items exhibited similar behaviour and occurred in identical contexts, probably acting as competing items until nemigalha's disappearance. Furthermore, a few examples from the 16 th century suggest that nemigalha might have become a more functional item, participating as a negation marker in presuppositional contexts (cf. Larrivée 2010 andHansen 2013). KeywordsOld Portuguese, negation, negative concord, polarity items, n-words, minimizers ResumoO presente artigo céntrase nos indefinidos negativos do portugués antigo. Presta especial atención a nemigalha, un indefinido negativo que desapareceu da lingua por volta do século XVI. Mostraremos que nemigalha resulta da reanálise da partícula negativa nem e do minimizador migalha nun estadio moi inicial da lingua. Nemigalha comeza sendo un elemento de polaridade negativa fraco que se torna en elemento de polaridade negativa forte, de acordo coa proposta avanzada por Martins (1997Martins ( , 2000. Como se sabe, os minimizadores poden tornarse elementos intrinsecamente negativos, e son bos candidatos a completar o ciclo de Jespersen (Jespersen 1917). Aínda que nemigalha non completase este ciclo, parece que si completou as fases de gramaticalización propostas por Garzonio & Poletto (2008, 2009, pois perdeu as súas propiedades de nome común e pasou a poder aparecer só, en posición preverbal, como único marcador negativo. A comparación entre nemigalha e o indefinido negativo nada mostra que ambas as palabras se comportaban de forma idén-tica, pois aparecían no mesmo tipo de contextos. Isto apunta á posibilidade de que fosen unidades en competición ata a desaparición de nemigalha. Finalmente, algúns exemplos do século XVI suxiren que nemigalha puido tornarse un elemento máis funcional, xurdindo como marcador negativo en contextos presuposicionais (cf. Larrivée 2010 e Hansen 2013). Palabras chavePortugués antigo, negación, concordancia negativa, ítems de polaridade, palabras-n, minimizadores

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On two types of underspecification: Towards a feature theory shared by syntax and phonology

Cited by 32 publications

References 1 publication

Acquiring optionality in french wh-questions: an experimental study*

Acquiring optionality in french wh-questions: an experimental study*

Japanese speakers' second language Chinese wh-questions: a lexical morphological feature deficit account

Negative Indefinites in the history of Portuguese : the case of <em>nemigalha</em>

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