2016
DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2016.1257214
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Nuclear weapons, the United States and alliances in Europe and Asia: Toward an institutional perspective

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Cited by 12 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…In turn, this made them conducive to the establishment, stabilisation and expansion of liberal international political and economic relations both in and beyond the geographic confines of these regions. 3 3 See Fruehling and O’Neil (2017). One notes that the USA and many of its allies and partners have often deviated opportunistically from the liberal order they helped established (e.g., USA undermining of democracies during the Cold War, the second Iraq war, US withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement, and the weak record on nuclear weapons issues [including slow progress on NPT article 6 obligations and a refusal to sign the CTBT]). The legacy of this contribution is visible in a web of international institutions (e.g., World Bank, IMF, WTO and ADB) and treaties (e.g., NPT, UNCLOS, Montreal Protocol and LTBT).…”
Section: Nato and The Us-led Hub-and-spokes Alliance Systems: Comparamentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…In turn, this made them conducive to the establishment, stabilisation and expansion of liberal international political and economic relations both in and beyond the geographic confines of these regions. 3 3 See Fruehling and O’Neil (2017). One notes that the USA and many of its allies and partners have often deviated opportunistically from the liberal order they helped established (e.g., USA undermining of democracies during the Cold War, the second Iraq war, US withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement, and the weak record on nuclear weapons issues [including slow progress on NPT article 6 obligations and a refusal to sign the CTBT]). The legacy of this contribution is visible in a web of international institutions (e.g., World Bank, IMF, WTO and ADB) and treaties (e.g., NPT, UNCLOS, Montreal Protocol and LTBT).…”
Section: Nato and The Us-led Hub-and-spokes Alliance Systems: Comparamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…3 See Fruehling and O’Neil (2017). One notes that the USA and many of its allies and partners have often deviated opportunistically from the liberal order they helped established (e.g., USA undermining of democracies during the Cold War, the second Iraq war, US withdrawal from the Paris Climate Change Agreement, and the weak record on nuclear weapons issues [including slow progress on NPT article 6 obligations and a refusal to sign the CTBT]).…”
Section: Nato and The Us-led Hub-and-spokes Alliance Systems: Comparamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We're 100% behind NATO" (as cited in Stewart, 2017). Frühling and O'Neil (2017) have also demonstrated the constraining role of non-nuclear allies in NATO, observing that "almost all aspects of nuclear weapon cooperation in an alliance require the consent and contribution, at significant political and financial cost, of the non-nuclear allies" (p. 5). With regard to Iran, Trump's suggestion that he would either withdraw from or attempt to renegotiate the JCPOA will be rebuffed by allies in Europe and the Middle East who argue that the agreement is on course.…”
Section: Constraints On Trump's Nuclear Agendamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In an important and thought-provoking piece, Stephan Frühling and Andrew O'Neil make the positive case for applying institutionalist theory to understand the alliance politics of US nuclear weapons strategy. Frühling and O'Neil (2017) argue that states have used their treaty alliances with the United States to influence various aspects of nuclear strategy even if they do not have their own independent nuclear capabilities. These authors advance our understanding of how these alliances operate by going beyond questions regarding their deterrent value or effectiveness.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As Frühling and O'Neil (2017) contend, these Cold War legacies still shape how cooperation evolves to this day. Indeed, they offer focal points for member states to coordinate their actions despite what different threat perceptions and strategic priorities they might have.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%