Not Just Europeanization, Not Necessarily Populism: Potential Factors Underlying the Mobilization of Populism in Ireland and Poland

Fitzgibbon, John; Guerra, Simona

doi:10.1080/15705854.2010.503033

Cited by 8 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…They have contended that Sinn Féin, the smaller socialist parties, and the various Independents who run for electoral office, have toyed with populist currents or attracted the attentions of the ‘populist voter’, but have not decisively evolved into fully committed populist actors. 18 Their research also suggests that populism became somewhat more pronounced as the impacts of recession and austerity were felt in the Republic after 2008. Such populism, however, was more usually expressed as anti-elitism and a somewhat leftwing take on economic policy, rather than manifesting the discernibly rightwing antipathy towards migrants or other out-groups that is common in other EU contexts.…”

Section: Irish Populism From the Moderate Centrementioning

confidence: 98%

(Neo)Liberal populism and Ireland’s ‘squeezed middle’

Meade¹,

Kiely²

2020

Race & Class

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Acknowledging definitional problems associated with the concept of ‘populism’, this article shifts the analytic gaze away from actors or politics that are conventionally characterised as populist, on to an analysis of the doing of populism by those who typically evade the populist label. Tracing the discursive construction of the ‘squeezed middle’ in Irish mainstream media and parliamentary debates between January 2014 and March 2019, the authors analyse how this signifier was mobilised to fuel and foment ressentiment among middle-earning taxpayers. This article analyses how the discourses of the ‘squeezed middle’ functioned ideologically, as a form of anti-welfare populism, redirecting blame for middle-class ontological and material insecurities on to unemployed welfare recipients who were depicted as immoral, lazy and insulated from hardship. This article highlights how populism operates from the so-called moderate centres of liberal democracy and not exclusively from the political margins. Irish political and media narratives of the ‘squeezed middle’ are seen as part of a larger project whereby damaging myths about the unemployed are propagated in service of ideological class warfare; legitimising neoliberal austerity and normalising unequal economic relations.

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Section: Irish Populism From the Moderate Centrementioning

confidence: 98%

(Neo)Liberal populism and Ireland’s ‘squeezed middle’

Meade¹,

Kiely²

2020

Race & Class

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“…16 Political parties abide by two goals: controlling seats in the legislature and wielding power in the ruling coalition or cabinet. 17 They often succeed in their mission of influencing their nation's foreign policy. 18 According to the dominant cleavage theory, parties form preferences based upon their long-standing ideological agendas that reflect existing divisions in society.…”

Section: Why Looking At Parties and Their Foreign Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism and foreign policy: An assessment and a research agenda

Lammers¹,

Onderčo²

2020

J Regional Security

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Populist parties are often seen as a threat to liberal democracy domestically, and in the international arena, they are often accused of unwillingness to support a liberal international order. We study how what we know about foreign policy preferences of populist parties is driven by how we study the phenomenon; and how we can fix the shortcomings which exist in the literature. To sketch a future research agenda, we first conduct a systematic review of the literature on the foreign policy views of populist parties in Europe and investigate how what we know is driven by how we know it. We look at the themes of foreign policy, research methods, as well as the parties and countries in researchers' focus. Our findings indicate that skewed focus on particular countries and parties combined with a uniform use of methods contributes to a lack of detailed understanding of populist views on foreign policies. We propose future avenues of research into the foreign policy views of populist parties, including a diversification of methods and more in-depth empirical and cross-national studies on specific themes.

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“…Existing work examines left-wing populism, in particular, anti-elitist tendencies or homogenised anti-politics bias and growing anti-party sentiment (O’Malley and FitzGibbon, 2015; Suiter, 2017). These tendencies accelerated in recent years concentrating on a narrative of unjust austerity brought about by a corrupt Irish political elite beholden to a cabal of bankers and European Union (EU) and European Central Bank (ECB) officials (Fitzgibbon and Guerra, 2010; Kitching, 2013; McDonnell, 2008). Social crises, most notably in housing, drew popular opposition and the introduction of household water charges gave rise to the largest protest movement since the foundation of the state with protestors framed as a sinister fringe (Power et al, 2016).…”

Section: Media and Populism In The Republic Of Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hybrid media and populist currents in Ireland’s 2016 General Election

Suiter¹,

Culloty

Greene

et al. 2018

European Journal of Communication

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Populism, or at the very least a 'populist zeitgeist' has advanced across the globe with populist actors from across the ideological spectrum at the forefront of politics in Europe, North and South America and Southeast Asia. One of the major components is the media and specifically hybrid media, which can inhibit or magnify populist political tendencies among both parties and voters. We utilised both hand-coded traditional media data and machine learning on social media data in order to disengage the hybrid media nuances for populist storytelling. We find that the media system in Ireland largely inhibits populist politics and messaging and thereby dampens all anti-out-group messaging. Thus, contrary to the literature identifying an inclination towards populism in some types of new media, and the emergence of media populism in similar media systems in the United States and the United Kingdom, we find that the Irish media, across all platforms, tend not to focus on populist messaging. In addition, the norms appear to bleed over to social media. These results are important because they potentially provide lessons for other European countries in covering populist actors and they contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the role of different kinds of media in the representation of populist politics.

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Not Just Europeanization, Not Necessarily Populism: Potential Factors Underlying the Mobilization of Populism in Ireland and Poland

Cited by 8 publications

References 12 publications

(Neo)Liberal populism and Ireland’s ‘squeezed middle’

(Neo)Liberal populism and Ireland’s ‘squeezed middle’

Populism and foreign policy: An assessment and a research agenda

Hybrid media and populist currents in Ireland’s 2016 General Election

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