No power vacuum: national security neglect and the defence sector in Brazil

Lima, Raphael Camargo; Silva, Peterson F.; Rudzit, Gunther

doi:10.1080/14702436.2020.1848425

Cited by 18 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…Of specific value is Beliakova's focus on the potential damage to civil-military relations when civilian policy-making decreases and the military's power in politics increase. Lima et al (2020) note a similar concern around deference of security sector policy-making in their hypothesis on 'national security neglect' . The theory proposes that "a lack of attention in national security policy-making by civilian elites can weaken political controls over the armed forces, inhibit effective defence reforms that challenge military prerogatives, and, over time, reinforce militarization in national security policymaking, especially in its three main pillars: defence, intelligence, and public safety" (Lima et al 2020: 1).…”

Section: Security Sector Accountabilitymentioning

confidence: 96%

Parliaments and Security Sector Governance—Contributing to Just and Peaceful Societies

Rensburg¹,

Zyl-Gous²,

Heinecken³

2022

Parliaments’ Contributions to Security Sector Governance/Reform and the Sustainable Development Goals: Testing Parliaments’ Res

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Aim and research methodology 2 Conceptual demarcation: SSG and the SDGs 3 The Sustainable Development Goals 3 Security Sector Governance 5 Locating the role of parliaments 6 Parliaments, democracy and ensuring accountability 6 Linking parliaments, SSG and SDG16 7 Conclusion 9 Chapter 2: Parliaments and SSG-Contributing to Stability for Sustainable Development 11 SSR PapersThe DCAF SSR Papers provide original, innovative and provocative analysis on the challenges of security sector governance and reform. Combining theoretical insight with detailed empirically driven explorations of state-of-the-art themes, SSR Papers bridge conceptual and pragmatic concerns. Authored, edited and peer reviewed by SSR experts, the series provides a unique platform for in-depth discussion of a governance-driven reform agenda, addressing the overlapping interests of researchers, policy-makers and practitioners in the fields of development, peace and security. DCAF, the Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is dedicated to improving the security of states and their people within a framework of democratic governance, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and gender equality. Since its founding in 2000, DCAF has contributed to making peace and development more sustainable by assisting partner states, and international actors supporting these states, to improve the governance of their security sector through inclusive and participatory reforms. It creates innovative knowledge products, promotes norms and good practices, provides legal and policy advice and supports capacity-building of both state and non-state security sector stakeholders.

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Section: Security Sector Accountabilitymentioning

confidence: 96%

Parliaments and Security Sector Governance—Contributing to Just and Peaceful Societies

Rensburg¹,

Zyl-Gous²,

Heinecken³

2022

Parliaments’ Contributions to Security Sector Governance/Reform and the Sustainable Development Goals: Testing Parliaments’ Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Broader issues such as the government's regulatory role, governance, governability, and promotion of development also awaited answers on the public agenda (Pereira, 1998). Since 1988, discussions of public policies directed to national security, defence, intelligence, and public security have followed different paths (Lima, Silva and Rudzit, 2020a).…”

Section: National Security Neglect and The Enlargement Of The Nationa...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In addition, ABIN has been subordinated to the president's Institutional Security Cabinet (GSI), and the latter has been led by retired four-star Army general officers since 1995. Finally, it is worth mentioning that the role of intelligence and public security against terrorism was only defined in 2016, 28 years after it was mentioned in the 1988 Federal Constitution (Brazil, 2016b;Lima, Silva and Rudzit, 2020a).…”

Section: National Security Neglect and The Enlargement Of The Nationa...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This background helps to demonstrate why broader issues at the level of national security, intelligence and public security ended up in the national defence agenda, with clear impacts on the role of the Brazilian Armed Forces (Silva, 2019). According to Lima, Silva and Rudzit (2020a), the roots of this broader defence sector lie in civilian neglect regarding national security policymaking, as well as military resistance to broader defence reforms:…”

Section: National Security Neglect and The Enlargement Of The Nationa...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Since the creation in 1999 of the Ministry of Defence (MoD) (Brazil, 1999b), scholars have explored the challenges and advances in civil-military relations in Brazil (Fuccille, 2006;Soares, 2006;Oliveira, 2009;Bruneau, 2018). During the last decade, as internal security challenges grew in complexity, civilian political elites pushed the Brazilian Armed Forces to deal with issues not related to external security, such as border security, public security 2 , environmental crimes and migration crises (Lima and Medeiros Filho 2019;Lima, Silva and Rudzit, 2020a). However, few authors have explored this issue in the context of the relationship between defence policy, defence budget and force structure in Brazil (Brustolin, 2014;Silva, 2015;Cepik and Bertol, 2016).…”

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confidence: 99%

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The relationship between defence policy, the defence budget, and force structure in contemporary Brazil

Silva¹,

Júnior²

2022

BJBS

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The roles and objectives of the Brazilian Armed Forces are strongly related to missions other than external security, despite having abundant natural resources to secure and regional interests that may be affected by great power competition in South America. Given this background, what are Brazil's main challengesregarding the relationship between defence policy, defence budget and force structure? To address this research problem, we explore an analytical approach that connects defence policy to budget execution in the context of civil-military relations in Brazil. The methodological framework of the paper is a qualitative approach, choosing a single case study as its research design. We adopted a broader historical perspective to raise observations to cope with the single-country study's classical limitations. Thus, the paper deals with two levels of analysis: domestic (Ministry of Defence) and international (geopolitical landscape). Based on official documents and budgetary data between 1999 and 2021, we trace the significant consequences of the Brazilian Armed Forces' continuous involvement in internal security issues, such as public security, border security, environmental crimes and migration crises. The paper reveals that Brazil's military spending, characterised by relatively high costs on personnel and low investments, has detrimental effects on defence acquisitions, training, readiness andoperations. Our main argument is that a more active civilian direction and assertive defence policy are fundamental factors to balance the Brazilian Armed Forces personneland investments expenditures.

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Knocking on the barracks’ door: How role conceptions shape the military's reactions to political demands

Harig

Ruffa

2021

Eur. j. of int. secur.

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Academic research on civil-military relations often assumes that dangers for democracy and civilian control mainly emanate from the military's predisposition of ‘pushing’ its way into politics. Yet, civilian control frequently is a precondition for governments’ moves of ‘pulling’ the military into roles that may potentially be problematic. These can include the military's involvement in political disputes or internal public security missions. Notwithstanding its empirical relevance, little academic work has been devoted to understanding how ‘pulling’ works. In this article, we aim to provide a first, exploratory framework of ‘pulling’ that captures the dynamics of the military's reactions and indirect consequences for civil-military relations. We identify three analytically distinct phases in which pulling occurs. First, politicians initiate either operational or political pulling moves. Second, we situate the military's reaction on a spectrum that ranges from refusal to non-conditional compliance. This reaction is driven by the military's role conceptions about appropriate missions and their relation to politics. In a third phase, the military may slowly start shifting its role conceptions to adapt to its new roles. We illustrate our argument with case studies of two different instances of pulling: operational pulling in the case of France (2015–19) and operational – then-turned-political – pulling in the case of Brazil (2010–20).

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No power vacuum: national security neglect and the defence sector in Brazil

Cited by 18 publications

References 46 publications

Parliaments and Security Sector Governance—Contributing to Just and Peaceful Societies

Parliaments and Security Sector Governance—Contributing to Just and Peaceful Societies

The relationship between defence policy, the defence budget, and force structure in contemporary Brazil

Knocking on the barracks’ door: How role conceptions shape the military's reactions to political demands

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