New Directions in Feminism and Human Rights

Collins, Dana; Falcón, Sylvanna M.; Lodhia, Sharmila; Talcott, Molly

doi:10.1080/14616742.2010.513096

Cited by 27 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…Human rights have been widely debated within feminist and development studies. While they are recognised as necessary (MacKinnon 1994;Molyneux and Razavi 2002;Spivak 2003), the conditions of production of human rights, the power relations they entail and reproduce and their effects on the ground remain the object of critical inquiries (Collins et al 2010). Rights on their own cannot change the context that has produced social inequalities, which sometimes makes rights hard to enforce, or even disconnects them from local realities (Bradshaw 2006;Gideon 2006;Kabeer 2004;Kabeer 2015).…”

Section: Rethinking the Global South As A Place Of Rights Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights

Acciari

2019

Contexto int.

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This study explores the labour rights discourse produced by Brazilian domestic workers. It shows that the 2015 Brazilian legislation which extended labour rights to domestic workers was not simply a ‘boomerang effect’ of ILO Convention 189 on decent work for domestic workers, or a case of the ‘vernacularisation’ of global rights. Indeed, domestic workers have agitated for equal labour rights since 1936, and articulated the specific rights contained in the new legislation decades before their institutional recognition. Therefore, rather than being an instance of the translation of pre-existing global frameworks at the local level, the case of domestic workers demonstrates the ability of subaltern groups to transnationalise their demands, suggesting that the global South should not be conceived only as a place of rights reception, but also as a place of rights production. In this context, I trace the genealogy of the labour rights discourse as imagined and mobilised by domestic workers in Brazil, and examine the ways in which they have travelled between their subaltern location, the Brazilian state and the international agenda about ‘decent work.’

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Section: Rethinking the Global South As A Place Of Rights Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights

Acciari

2019

Contexto int.

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“…These insights fed a rich feminist scholarship that challenged politics of localization anchored in oppositions between global and local, center and periphery, favoring analytical lines that cut through these oppositions and called for a displacement also in terms of political organization and mobilization through borders (Grewal & Kaplan, ). Dialoguing with these perspectives, some studies have analyzed United Nations agencies and organized groups of women, considering the importance of the notion of women's human rights to challenge gender oppressions (Collins, Falcón, Lodhia, & Talcott, ), and also taking into account how those organizations reproduce geopolitical, class, and educational hierarchies. Other studies have focused on the actions of transnational feminist networks.…”

Section: Prostitution In the Brazilian Feminist Debatementioning

confidence: 99%

Transnational Sisterhood? Brazilian Feminisms Facing Prostitution

Piscitelli¹

2014

Latin American Policy

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During the 1980s, the sex wars concerning feminism and prostitution had little effect on Brazilian feminisms. Although prostitution was far from central in this "second wave" of feminism in Brazil, which was organized around fighting the military regime, struggling for democracy and amnesty, and confronting specific struggles against male domination, it provoked curiosity, and a certain proximity grew between feminists and prostitutes. During the decades of 2000 and 2010, networks and coalitions of Brazilian feminists with transnational articulations have increasingly adopted an abolitionist position, denying the differences between prostitution and sex trafficking and refusing to listen to the voices of organized prostitutes. In this article I analyze this complex process, based on research conducted between 2004 and 2011 with an anthropological approach on transnational sex markets and sex trafficking, in which I interviewed Brazilian prostitutes in this country and abroad, feminists, and agents in different positions of the Brazilian state.Durante la década de 1980, las guerras del sexo feministas en torno a la prostitución tuvieron poco impacto sobre los feminismos brasileños. Aunque la prostitución no constituyó un tema central de debate en la "segunda ola" del feminismo en Brasil, que estaba organizado en torno a la oposición contra el régimen militar, las luchas a favor de la democracia y la amnistía y la confrontación contra aspectos concretos de la dominación masculina despertaron la curiosidad, y hubo proximidad entre algunas feministas y prostitutas. Durante las décadas de 2000 y 2010, redes y coaliciones de feministas brasileñas con articulaciones transnacionales han adoptado cada vez más posiciones abolicionistas, negando las diferencias entre prostitución y tráfico con fines de explotación sexual y negándose a escuchar las voces de las prostitutas organizadas. En este artículo analizo este proceso complejo, basándome en investigaciones realizadas entre 2004 y 2011, en una perspectiva antropológica, sobre mercados del sexo transnacionales y tráfico con fines de explotación sexual, en las que entrevisté a prostitutas brasileñas en Brasil y en el exterior, a feministas y a agentes en diferentes puestos del Estado brasileño.

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“…The limited focus of the state and the individual in political discourse, particularly as queers are concerned, produces another set of concerns about human rights – that is to say that the most significant struggles taking shape within and around sexual rights happen in the arena of culture, everyday life and the experiences of community and social justice organizing. In other words, what constitutes human rights is grounded, collective and dynamic; rights are repeatedly reinvented by people through culture and grassroots organizing (Bob 2009; Corrêa, Petchesky and Parker 2008) and not solely through the state or transnational bodies like the UN (Collins et al 2011). Speed and Collier (2000), discuss their attempts to study what they have termed ‘the social life of rights’, arguing that it is vital to explore the ways in which human rights are understood and used by social actors on the everyday level of lived experience, and in connection with their wider historical and institutional contexts.…”

Section: Human Rights and The Concept Of Queermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This article emerged out of feminist and antiracist conversations about the relations between queer political struggles and human rights discourses in our respective research projects in Southern Mexico (Talcott 2008, 2010) and Manila, the Philippines (Collins 2005, 2007, 2009). Our method of epistemological engagement is collaborative, transnational and grounded; we review new ways of thinking about human rights paradigms as academic sociologists, and we integrate the work and theorization of grassroots activists who engage in human rights praxis (Collins et al 2011). Moreover, struggling over the terrain of human rights at the national and global levels alone disregards the important shaping of discourses and issues at the level of everyday life and lived experience.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

‘A New Language that Speaks of Change Just As It Steps Toward It’: Transnationalism, Erotic Justice and Queer Human Rights Praxis

Collins

Talcott

2011

Sociology Compass

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Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) movements have too often been dominated by US liberal individualist framings of lesbian and gay rights, resulting in the hegemony of US-focused issues and institutional actions, despite the irony that the US government has been relatively unsupportive of LGBT rights on the international stage. We argue that transnational, grassroots queer movements embody more profound aspirations that do not limit the meaning of queer liberation to singular identity politics or rights-restraining institutions. Specifically, we point to transnational and Third World-based queer movements that offer more complex structural analyses of sexual oppression as well as more visionary praxes of sexual rights. Drawing on lessons from two cases of queer human rights praxis from the Philippines and México, we assert that a queer grassroots enactment of human rights allows for multiple subaltern constituencies to find -and to make -a place in human rights discourses; queer identity and actions create social formations that expand human rights agendas to further embody the intersectionality, interdependence and transnationality of daily life. Key to these enactments of queer human rights praxis are prefigurative politics and rooted cosmopolitanism, which catalyze new expansions of human rights to include intersectional framings and practices of erotic justice.The fields of contemporary sexual politics as framed by US mainstream gay and lesbian 1 movements and the corporate media offer a myopic vision for gay and lesbian human rights -they are to be achieved through stronger 'hate crimes' legislation, the legalization of same-sex marriage and the repeal of the US military's 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell' policy. 2 Such fields of sexual politics are often marked by a lack of conversation between social movements, transnational human rights struggles and queer studies. For instance, the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) movement 3 tends to reflect US hegemony, liberal individualism and the limitations of a culture of human rights (in the United States) that focuses on civil and political dimensions of human rights to the exclusion of their economic, social and cultural dimensions. The irony of such a focus is that the realization of gay and lesbian rights emerges via the inclusion of certain socially positioned gays and lesbians into heteronormative, 4 racist and imperialist social institutions 5 : namely, the prison-, marriage-and military-industrial complexes. Each of these institutional complexes, at varying points in time, have been at the center of either the denial of rights or the locus of some of the world's most egregious human rights abuses (Blau et al.

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New Directions in Feminism and Human Rights

Cited by 27 publications

References 37 publications

Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights

Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights

Transnational Sisterhood? Brazilian Feminisms Facing Prostitution

‘A New Language that Speaks of Change Just As It Steps Toward It’: Transnationalism, Erotic Justice and Queer Human Rights Praxis

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