Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy

Lecours, André

doi:10.1093/oso/9780192846754.001.0001

Cited by 35 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 58 publications

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“…Although a useful indicator, RAI data does not take regional demands nor conflict over autonomy into account. Demands and conflict over autonomy can serve to make the central government a moving target of sorts, encouraging emergence regardless of static constitutional provisions granted to the region (Lecours, 2021). Regardless, the insignificance leads to the acceptance of Hypothesis 5-the relationship remains undetermined.…”

Section: Decadementioning

confidence: 99%

It is not me, it is you: The emergence of secessionist parties in Western democracies

Rivard

2023

Nations and Nationalism

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Although there exists a voluminous amount of existing literature that studies secessionist parties and the emergence of political parties more generally, there exists little that looks at the emergence of secessionist parties specifically. This article models the emergence of secessionist parties across western democracies and argues that the emergence of said parties is structured by both sociodemographic and political realities. This article shows that the structures of secessionist party entry differ across the arena in which parties compete: what influences emergence in subnational (provincial) elections differs than in national elections.

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Section: Decadementioning

confidence: 99%

It is not me, it is you: The emergence of secessionist parties in Western democracies

Rivard

2023

Nations and Nationalism

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“…To do so, we adapt theories that explain the formation and persistence of secessionist movements-rationalist, culturalist and institutionalist-to account also for abatement (for review, see Hale, 2008;Lecours, 2021;Lluch, 2014;Siroky & Cuffe, 2015). The research consisted of extensive content analysis of archival and secondary materials over several decades.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There are three dominant explanations for this trend (for review, see Hale, 2008;Lecours, 2021;Lluch, 2014;Siroky & Cuffe, 2015). The first revises the above rationalist assumptions by emphasising how economic incentives can favour secessionism in some cases.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Institutionalists have paid the most attention to why secessionist agitation fades because they are most interested in the interaction between rules and agents. Lecours (2021), for example, distinguishes between 'static' and 'dynamic' autonomy, with the latter more likely to ameliorate secession than the former because the political settlement can be adjusted as circumstances change. The key point, from this perspective, is that political settlements are complex.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Secessionism in Nevis: Why Have Tensions Eased?

Corbett,

Byron

2023

Island Studies Journal

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Existing studies of secessionism focus predominantly on why these movements gain momentum and persist. A subset of work focuses on why secessionist tensions cease. We contribute to these latter studies by adapting the main theories developed to explain why secessionist agitation occurs, to account for abatement. We focus specifically on the island of Nevis in St Kitts and Nevis, a country that should be a “least likely” case for secession, given its small population, territory, and economy, yet has experienced secessionist agitation for much of the second half of the 20th century. Since the late 1990s, momentum for secession has subsided. We explain why by reference to rationalist, culturalist and institutionalist arguments. We use an in-depth case study method, drawing on a range of sources, that foregrounds equifinality and concatenation across more than a century of inter-island politics. The findings suggest that all three types of arguments have some explanatory value but each fall short of fully accounting for the ebb and flow of secessionist dynamics. The findings may be of particular interest to multi-island states and territories in the Caribbean. They also offer practical lessons about the importance of policies that promote sectoral integration, encourage sociological linkages, and provide scope for dynamic political settlements.

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“…222-228).5 A concrete example may help to make sense of this phenomenon: whereas in contemporary Spain, the Basque Country and Navarre have reached special fiscal agreements with Madrid, a similar asymmetrical has been denied to Catalonia. In turn, this has led many Catalonians to feel that their specificity as a minority nation is not being recognised as it should be by the State.6 The ever-increasing autonomy requested by the Flemish community in contemporary Belgium can be associated with this dynamic(Lecours, 2021).7 However, each existing minority nation does not necessarily have its own vernacular language, distinct from the rest of the population with which it shares a modern state. Looking at cases such as Scotland, it may also be that this linguistic peculiarity is less and less considered in the daily life of citizens.8 This can be observed in many different ways under various institutional contexts.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Minority nations v. constitutional architectures: A critical appraisal of unitary and federal models of the modern state

Mathieu

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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Are the constitutional orders framed on a federal architecture more welcoming vis‐à‐vis the presence of minority nations within their midst than are the ones inspired by a unitarian logic? From an ideal‐typical perspective, to what degree unitary and federal models of the modern state are indeed meeting or conflicting with minority nations' most typical claim to be formally recognised and to possess the institutional anchorage to self‐govern and self‐determinate? Mobilising an analytical framework derived from the Societal Culture Index, this article combines constitutional studies with the tools of political theory. It argues that both unitary and federal models of the sovereign state have the potential to promote a normative rationale, that is, after all, fairly hospitable towards minority nations' typical claims. Nevertheless, it stresses that the normative rationale of federal systems in general, and asymmetrical federalism in particular, leads to constitutional architectures that shall be most hospitable towards minority nations.

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Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy

Cited by 35 publications

References 58 publications

It is not me, it is you: The emergence of secessionist parties in Western democracies

It is not me, it is you: The emergence of secessionist parties in Western democracies

Secessionism in Nevis: Why Have Tensions Eased?

Minority nations v. constitutional architectures: A critical appraisal of unitary and federal models of the modern state

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