National character, regional culture, and the values of Canadians and Americans

Abstract

Cette étude analyse des données ayant fait l'objet de sondages à l'échelle nationale et qui serviront à evaluer la thèse de S.M. Lipset en regard avec certaines divergences caractérisant la population canadienne et américaine. L'étude traitera principalement d'une question, à savoir si les particularités régionales de chacun des deux pays constituent un élément aussi fondamental que leur dissemblance si l'on compare leurs valeurs. Les résultats du sondage indiquent que la barrière entre le Canada et les États‐Unis ne constitue pas un critère majeur en regard avec les valeurs faisant l'objet de la présente étude. Il semble que les divergences d'ordre culturel portent plutǒt sur les trois régions principales suivantes: la province de Québec qui est relativement libérale, alors que le sud des États‐Unis qui est plus conservateur, et un secteur plutǒt modéré qui englobe le reste de la population des deux pays. Les implications concernant la thèse de Lipset et l'étude des régionalismes canadiens et américains sont explorées brièvement. This paper brings together two related but distinct issues in the analysis of culture and values in Canada and the United States. The first of these is Lipset's well‐known thesis on the differences in national character and belief systems between Canadians and Americans. The second issue is the purported existence of distinct regional cultures within both countries. Using national sample survey data, we assess both cross‐national and regional differences on a range of attitudes and perceptions. The results indicate that the pattern of regional cultures is not significantly affected or defined by the national border separating Canada and the United States. Instead, hierarchical tests of several different models suggest that, with a few exceptions, the map of regional cultures involves three major segments: a relatively left‐liberal Quebec, a more conservative southern United States, and a comparatively moderate sector that largely encompasses the remainder of the two countries. The implications for Lipset's thesis on Canadian‐American differences, and for the analysis of regional distinctions in both nations, are briefly discussed.

Street youth, strain theory, and crime

“…Research comparing the national characters of the two countries, however, suggested that the "argument for the existence of distinct national characters requires extensive rethinking (Baer, Grabb, & Johnston, 1993, p. 27; see also Baer, Grabb, & Johnston, 1990). Findings by Baer et al (1990Baer et al ( , 1993 showed few important divisions or significant national differences in values based on political boundaries. They noted that these similarities might be explained not only by geographical proximity, but also by (except Quebec) language and exposure to the same (predominantly American) media and popular culture (Baer et al, 1993, p. 29).…”

Confidence in Political Institutions in Canada and the United States: Assessing the Interactive Role of Region and Race

“…In their analyses of the World Values Surveys (WVS) from the early 1990s, Grabb and Curtis (2005, 227;2002, 46) did find that Southerners were the most trusting or accepting about political institutions among the four regional groups they considered, but Quebecers were not clearly at the opposite extremesee also Baer, Grabb, and Johnston (1993); Kanji and Nevitte (2000). Another study, based on the World Values Surveys from the early 1980s, showed that French Canadians, while comparatively low on general respect for authority, actually expressed somewhat higher levels of confidence than both English Canadians and Americans in certain political institutions, including the civil service and Parliament/Congress (Baer, Curtis, Grabb, and Johnston 1995, 188).…”

Trust in government: A micro–macro approach

“…Southern residence is included in the model because previous studies (Keele, 2005) show that Southerners have lower levels of political trust. The primary reason why trust levels are lower is that the political culture in the South is more conservative (Baer, Grabb, & Johnston, 1993). Simpson (2006) argues that the Southern states have higher distrust due to the legacy of the civil war.…”