Movement and Silence

Kayne, Richard S.

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179163.001.0001

Cited by 311 publications

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“…It is not the only case of silent pronouns attested cross-linguistically. Kayne (2005) has noticed this particularity in subjects after verbs of French relative sentences (36 -37). For this author, (36 -39) are characterised by having a silent or covert element which is not phonetically produced but which lies throughout the steps of the syntactic derivation.…”

Section: Peripheral Areasmentioning

confidence: 85%

When agreement is for covert but not for overt: the case of ustedes plus second person plural inflections in peninsular Spanish

Bermejo

2016

isogloss

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The Spanish spoken in western Andalusia is characterised by having a single second person plural pronoun (ustedes) (unlike the standard variety which possesses two) and by inducing two agreements (second person and third person). In this article, I propose an analysis of unagreement configurations that follows the big DP hypothesis of Uriagereka (1995) for clitic doubling constructions. That is, I argue that the overt subject is base generated in the complement of a big DP whose specifier is a silent pronoun (a pro). The overt subject moves to a topic position and the silent pro stays in the subject position. Agreement mismatches arise from the fact that both DPs can trigger agreement. Furthermore, I propose that the different patterns in agreement found with ustedes arise from the diachronic cycle through which overt subjects are first topics. I state that in the process of reanalysis of topics as subjects, there is an intermediate phase in which a big DP emerges. This DP structure contains two different pronouns (one overt and one covert) that can establish different agreement relations. Finally, when the topic is completely reinterpreted as the subject, its agreement spreads throughout syntax, making agreement mismatches disappear.

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Section: Peripheral Areasmentioning

confidence: 85%

When agreement is for covert but not for overt: the case of ustedes plus second person plural inflections in peninsular Spanish

Bermejo

2016

isogloss

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“…One way to approach the syntax of focusing adverbs in line with the cartographic enterprise would be by recognizing that each one of the different classes of these AdvPs would have a distinct position of Merge, in line with the "One Feature, One Head Principle" (KAYNE, 2005). This strong view will be the one assumed here.…”

Section: What About Focusing Adverbs?mentioning

confidence: 91%

“Só”, “Exclusivamente” E Suas Posições Na Sentença

Neto

2015

Alfa, rev. linguíst. (São José Rio Preto)

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Neste artigo, são examinadas algumas propriedades de advérbios altos e baixos para mostrar que o focalizador só pertence ao primeiro grupo. Conclui-se que o comportamento do advérbio de exclusão só no Português do Brasil é mais bem explicado do ponto de vista da Sintaxe, isto é, em termos da sua posição na hierarquia universal. A pista para chegar a tal conclusão vem da distribuição do focalizador exclusivamente, que também é um advérbio de exclusão, mas se comporta de forma diferente em relação a sóno que diz respeito a algumas propriedades sintáticas que põem de um lado os advérbios altos e de outro os baixos. Além disso, este texto revela que a previsão de Bever e Clark (2008) – de que a Semântica seria responsável pelas assimetrias entre os advérbios quantificacionais e o exclusivo só – não é correta, na medida em que o focalizador de exclusão exclusivamente, no Português do Brasil, compartilha propriedades sintáticas com advérbios quantificacionais.

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“…He divides V-V compounds into lexical V-V compounds and syntactic ones. The former is formed in the lexicon, by the direct merger of two lexical head, as in (66). The latter is formed in the syntax, by the selection of VP1 or V'1 by the second verb V2, as in (67a,b):…”

Section: Kageyama (1993): the Pioneering Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Using this test, we can, for example, distinguish a lexical V-V compound kiri-taosu 'cut-topple' from a syntactic V-V compound kiri-oeru; the former cannot be replaced by bassai-si-taosu, as in (68a), because it has the structure in (66), where there is no room for V1 to accommodate VN+si, whereas the latter can be replaced by bassai-si-oeru without changing the meaning, as in (68b), because it has the structure in (67b), where V 0 1 can accommodate VN+si:…”

Section: Kageyama (1993): the Pioneering Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By ''the functional hierarchy'' we can refer to the recent trend of ''cartography,'' led by the syntacticians such as Rizzi (1997Rizzi ( , 2004, Cinque (1999Cinque ( , 2003, Svenonius (2006Svenonius ( , 2010, and Kayne (2000Kayne ( , 2005Kayne ( , 2010, among others. Nishiyama and Ogawa (2013, this volume) and Ogawa and Niinuma (2011) also claim that Cinque's cartography provides a new way to approach the issue of grammaticalization of the second verb of V-V compounds (cf.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Diachronic Demorphologization and Constructionalization of Compounds from the Perspective of Distributed Morphology and Cartography

Ogawa

2014

IIS

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As for the morphosyntactic size of a compound, it has occasionally been suggested that some of the N-N compounds can be larger than derived words but are smaller than phrases (Allen (1978), Giegerich (2005)) or that some of the V-V compound are words, while others are phrases (Kageyama (1993(Kageyama ( , 2001, Nishiyama (1998)). However, exactly how large each compound is remains controversial, partly because their nature is synchronically variable in terms of phonology, morphology, syntax, and/or semantics. In relation to this problem, there has been a long-standing issue of which of morphology and syntax should deal with the internal structure of these two types of compound and others. Here arises a set of reciprocative discussions between the lexicalists and anti-lexicalists over the data that belong to morphosyntax, and yet no settlement has been reached so far, because both types of approach have as much defects as merits. With these problems recalcitrant to a synchronic analysis in mind, I will shed a diachronic perspective on them. More specifically, this article launches a simple hypothesis that the morphosyntactic size of a compound tends to be diachronically enlarged from the domain of morphology to that of syntax, as is known by the names such as demorphologization and/or constructionalization. I will collect relevant data from the Corpus of Historical American English (COHA) and the literature on the traditional Japanese linguistics. Then, I will provide a morphosyntactic analysis of the diachronic generalization, in terms of two outstanding syntactic theories: Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz (1993), Marantz (1997)) and Cartography (Cinque (2003). Three kinds of data presented in support of the above hypothesis are: (i) the demorphologization of many combining forms including -phobia, -holic, psycho-, techno-, their reanalysis as independent words, and their development as N-N compounds, (ii) the emergence of the resultative construction from the corresponding V-A form in English, and (iii) the development of the syntactic V-V compounds from the lexical V-V compounds such as kami-kiru 'bite-cut' and yomi-kiru 'read-cut' in the history of Japanese (Aoki (2010)). I will argue that these three types of diachronic changes are the instances of what I call ''syntactic constructionalization'' at the so-called ''word'' level, the VP/vP-level, and the AspectP-level, respectively.

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Movement and Silence

Cited by 311 publications

References 0 publications

When agreement is for covert but not for overt: the case of ustedes plus second person plural inflections in peninsular Spanish

When agreement is for covert but not for overt: the case of ustedes plus second person plural inflections in peninsular Spanish

“Só”, “Exclusivamente” E Suas Posições Na Sentença

Diachronic Demorphologization and Constructionalization of Compounds from the Perspective of Distributed Morphology and Cartography

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