Mizrahi and Russian Challenges to Israel's Dominant Culture: Divergences and Convergences

Ben‐Rafael, Eliezer

doi:10.2979/isr.2007.12.3.68

Cited by 18 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…55 In doing so, they will become part of wider transnational communities that offer alternative sources of identification unavailable in Israel during the melting pot years. 56 remennick's study on transnational patterns among first generation immigrants from the FSU in Israel showed that the issue of transnationality is relevant not only to a discussion of immigrants' identity construction, but also in regard to their social and economic mobility. She found that immigrants especially active in transnational exchange with their co-ethnics in russia, the US, Germany, and other countries had better command of both the English and Hebrew languages and earned a higher income than did their less "transnational" compatriots.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is especially important given the close connection between religion and state in Israel, which limits the freedom of non-Jewish immigrants with regard to matters of personal status, for example in marriage, divorce, and registration of children, burial. 13 Most previous studies on FSU immigrant youth have focused on social and cultural issues typical to their relocation and adjustment.14 In general, this literature shows that russian-speaking immigrant adolescents strongly identify with the russian language and culture, and they maintain a sense of cultural superiority towards Israeli peers. In addition, several studies pointed to various disadvantages experienced by FSU youngsters in Israel.…”

Section: Non-jewish Olimmentioning

confidence: 98%

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The New Second Generation: Non-Jewish <em>Olim</em>, Black Jews and Children of Migrant Workers in Israel

Elias¹,

Kemp²

2010

Israel Studies

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Non-jewish Olimmentioning

confidence: 98%

The New Second Generation: Non-Jewish <em>Olim</em>, Black Jews and Children of Migrant Workers in Israel

Elias¹,

Kemp²

2010

Israel Studies

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“…Indeed, Raichel adeptly draws from a fount of musical symbols and literary allusions that Israeli listeners can identify as belonging unmistakably to the Zionist narrative. Therefore, I argue that Raichel deploys a sampled Ethiopian vocal passage as a strategy to present an approach to Zionism and the State that is, although potentially inclusive and progressive (Ben-Rafael 2007;Resnik 2006), in fact rather conventional.…”

Section: 'Mima'amakim' and Coded Progressive Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Song Style as Strategy: Nationalism, Cosmopolitanism and Citizenship in The Idan Raichel Project's Ethiopian-influenced Songs

Webster-Kogen¹

2014

Ethnomusicology Forum

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Over the past decade, the State of Israel has approached pariah status in political debate, and its cultural sector and economy have been subject to boycott. Nevertheless, one multi-ethnic band has cultivated critical acclaim and a transnational audience by preaching integration and co-existence. This band, The Idan Raichel Project (IRP), advocates an Israeli society that accepts minorities and incorporates this worldview into a syncretic musical style that draws from the diverse influences of Israel's citizens, particularly from its Ethiopian minority. Yet, the IRP has drawn critique for enacting a hierarchy within the band between labour and management. Meanwhile, the IRP's approach to nationalist discourses is conventional, with the main discourses and apparatuses of the State-the military, the status of Israel as Jewish homelandremaining uncontested. This article engages the dialectics of nationalism and cosmopolitanism in the IRP's Ethiopian-influenced songs. Through close analysis, I will argue that songwriter-producer Raichel projects a progressive nationalist ideology, framing Ethiopian-Israeli social problems within national/ist Israeli narratives of Home and Return. The band's musical texts might thus be considered a contact zone where struggles over power and exclusion are negotiated and contested in a public, global forum. Raichel's representation of Ethiopian music and musicians enacts a set of power relations that promotes nationalism and cosmopolitanism simultaneously. Through the analysis of three songs, I will argue that the IRP deploys a particular style of 'discrepant cosmopolitanism' as a deliberate political strategy, positioning the band's elite audience above polarising discussions of conflict and state legitimacy.

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“…Mizrahi, Ethiopian and other minority Jews face new possibilities for inclusion and expectations of authenticity in Israeli society (Ben-Rafael 2007;Chetrit 2000;Ein-Gil 2009). However, this selective multiculturalism is highly restricted in regard to non-Jews (e.g., Palestinian Arabs or foreign workers (Ben-Porat and Turner 2011;Drori 2009;Willen 2007)).…”

Section: Differentiation and De-cultural Accommodationmentioning

confidence: 97%

Demolitions and Amendments: Coping with Cultural Recognition and Its Denial in Southern Israel

McKee¹

2015

Nomadic Peoples

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This article examines how social preferences, in the form of cultural politics, become concretised in land laws. In Israel, Bedouin Arabs in unrecognised villages and Jewish farmers of individual farmsteads each faced governmental eviction orders and responded by seeking recognition of their land-use practices as legal. However, whereas Jewish farmers successfully mobilised place-based identities to gain legalisation, Bedouin Arabs' dwelling practices were not recognised as the legitimate basis for land claims, and their attempts to assert place-based identities have been denied. Instead, Bedouin Arabs faced pressures of 'de-cultural accommodation' and continued evictions. Ethnographic comparison of these two cases of 'illegal' settlement demonstrates how cultural identities -as former nomads or pioneer farmers -matter for land claims.They were called to go to the Negev not in order to expel Bedouins, but to settle the land as we did throughout this whole state. And even if it doesn't seem so to you, we need to settle the land. This is why I came from Morocco to here, to settle the land.(Knesset member Yaakov Edri, during Knesset debate of legislation to retroactively legalise Jewish farmsteads in the Negev, 26 October 2009) Why do we run to answer by law to 59 individual settlers and ignore 81,000 residents who live in forty settlements, that don't have drinking water and have no roads? They have children and have no schools, no education and no welfare. Is this because these are Jews and those are Bedouins? Is this policy right? Is an individual Jew more important than tens of thousands of Bedouin residents?(Knesset member Talab al-Sana, during same proceedings)NOMADIC PEOPLES 19 (2015): 95-119.

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Mizrahi and Russian Challenges to Israel's Dominant Culture: Divergences and Convergences

Cited by 18 publications

References 12 publications

The New Second Generation: Non-Jewish <em>Olim</em>, Black Jews and Children of Migrant Workers in Israel

The New Second Generation: Non-Jewish <em>Olim</em>, Black Jews and Children of Migrant Workers in Israel

Song Style as Strategy: Nationalism, Cosmopolitanism and Citizenship in The Idan Raichel Project's Ethiopian-influenced Songs

Demolitions and Amendments: Coping with Cultural Recognition and Its Denial in Southern Israel

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