Mandat verlängern - Abzug vorbereiten

Glatz, Rainer L.; Kaim, Markus

doi:10.18449/2020a18

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…Например, вопреки первоначальным шагам США по усилению группировки в составе миссии «Решительная поддержка» в Афганистане в 2017-2018 гг. администрация Д. Трампа в итоге пошла на переговоры с «Талибаном» 1 , включенным в список террористических организаций (Glatz & Kaim, 2020). На фоне выхода США из многочисленных договоренностей в сфере международной безопасности двусторонняя 1 Здесь и далее упоминается организация, включенная в РФ в список террористических.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

“…Напротив, в обоих случаях ФРГ к концу 2010-х гг. уверенно занимала второе место по объему вносимого вклада, в том числе военных усилий (Glatz & Kaim, 2020;Tull, 2019). Поэтому для германской стороны потери позиций были болезненны вдвойне.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

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Modeling the Country’s Participation in Armed Conflict Resolution: Case of Germany’s Activity in Mali

Trunov

2023

Vestn. Ross. univ. družby nar., Ser. Meždunar. otnoš.

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In the early 2020s, the challenges of maintaining a Western presence in the zones of armed conflicts in Asia and Africa increased dramatically. This was most evident in Afghanistan, while notable difficulties were also observed in the Sahara-Sahel region. In trying to understand the reasons for this, the author turned to the situation in Mali, trying to correlate the Germany’s actions in Mali with the author’s theoretical-practical scheme of participation of an outside actor in the resolution of an armed conflict. Reaching the position of a full-fledged global actor, Germany is especially interested in creating a strategic presence in the instability zones and is sensitive to its loss. At the first stage of the resolution, the key tasks are the bracketing of radical forces, especially terrorist groups, and the reconciliation of the moderate ones, which are interested in preserving the institution of the state as such. The second stage is the time for full-scale international peacekeeping. The third stage is the nationalization of the resolution, i.e. the transfer of control over the process to the authorities and security forces in the country of conflict’s origin. The study explores the forms, scale, and geographical features of Germany’s use of military tools and diplomatic capabilities in the first two stages of the 2013-2019 resolution. The main “bottlenecks” of the approach are identified, including the persistent delay in applying sufficient efforts and the determinism of this trend. For 2020-2021, two contradictory paths are shown against the background of a new wave of activation of terrorist groups in the south of Mali: an accelerated transition to nationalization with a possible withdrawal of German and French support, and a postponement of the third stage, linked to the preparations for the continued presence of Western countries in Mali.

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Section: Introductionunclassified

Modeling the Country’s Participation in Armed Conflict Resolution: Case of Germany’s Activity in Mali

Trunov

2023

Vestn. Ross. univ. družby nar., Ser. Meždunar. otnoš.

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The policy of Germany in military sphere: drift from the concept of “strategic restraint”?

Trunov

2023

Obŝestvennye nauki i sovremennostʹ

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As the key aggressor in World War II, Germany has to indefinitely comply with a set of stern restrictions considering the development and use of the national military potential. FRG’s attitude towards the principle until the early 2020s is studied. Key attention is paid to the cases where Germany abandoned the restrictions which had been limiting the realization of its ambitions as a world power. “Russian (Soviet) threat” has become the main pretext (but not the reason) for FRG’s remilitarization. However, in such cases Germany has ignored its own historic responsibility to the USSR and the Russian Federation. The framework conditions of the Bundeswehr development, outlined by Konrad Adenauer, are considered. The direction of the remilitarization (since the end of 2010s), as well as the features of Bundeswehr usage inside and outside the NATO zone of responsibility, are studied. It is concluded that the majority of these measures show the drift away from the “strategic restraint” concept.

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German Security and Defence Policy in the Early 2020s and the Influence of US Interests

Trunov

2024

USA & Canada: economics, politics, culture

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The nature and content of the U.S. - German dialogue have been significant for shaping the distribution of influence and responsibility in Euro-Atlantic community. This article examines the extent to which the Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) security and defense policy in the early 2020s aligns with U.S. interests. Under J. Biden`s administration the USA effectively rejected the FRG`s initiative to create a format for intergovernmental consultations. This initiative could have served as institutional “insurance” against the degradation of interstate dialogue experienced during D. Trump's administration. The signing of an agreement with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) by D. Trump, and its implementation under J. Biden, forced Germany to end its strategic presence in Afghanistan. In an attempt to compensate for these losses, Germany has sought strategic engagement in the Indo-Pacific region and significantly increased its military activity under NATO in Europe to “contain” Russia. The article explores the role of Germany in the distributing responsibility between Western democracies in their concurrent confrontations with Russia and China. Among the large NATO member states in Europe, including the U.K., Germany has held special military-practical importance for the USA. The White House was interested in the Bundeswehr as the framework nation in different forms in NATO Forward Presence Force, NATO Response Force, and New NATO Force Model. Germany in agreement with the USA, has supported the use of the EU and palliative structures (first of all, the Rammstein format) for the «discharge» of NATO on the most provocative for Russia tracks of the military assistance to Kiev.

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Mandat verlängern - Abzug vorbereiten

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Modeling the Country’s Participation in Armed Conflict Resolution: Case of Germany’s Activity in Mali

Modeling the Country’s Participation in Armed Conflict Resolution: Case of Germany’s Activity in Mali

The policy of Germany in military sphere: drift from the concept of “strategic restraint”?

German Security and Defence Policy in the Early 2020s and the Influence of US Interests

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