2011
DOI: 10.1080/10714839.2011.11725534
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Lula and the Meaning of Agrarian Reform

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1

Citation Types

0
3
0

Year Published

2015
2015
2016
2016

Publication Types

Select...
3
1

Relationship

0
4

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 4 publications
(3 citation statements)
references
References 0 publications
0
3
0
Order By: Relevance
“…In 2006, Lula also signed a law for family farmers, defining them more broadly, including other social groups like the indigenous peoples and maroon communities (quilombolas), who thereby gained access to governmental programs like PRONAF. 14 He added more families and hectares by 'regularizing' land occupied but not titled by both peasants and large-scale land grabbers, especially in the Amazon region, where the actions meant little in terms of the redistribution of land (FNRA 2008;Oliveira 2010;Welch 2011).…”
Section: Rural Unions and Land Struggle Under Constitutional Law (198mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…In 2006, Lula also signed a law for family farmers, defining them more broadly, including other social groups like the indigenous peoples and maroon communities (quilombolas), who thereby gained access to governmental programs like PRONAF. 14 He added more families and hectares by 'regularizing' land occupied but not titled by both peasants and large-scale land grabbers, especially in the Amazon region, where the actions meant little in terms of the redistribution of land (FNRA 2008;Oliveira 2010;Welch 2011).…”
Section: Rural Unions and Land Struggle Under Constitutional Law (198mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…He also tried to split and marginalise the land reform movement by extending rural credits and technical assistance programmes to settled peasants and subsistence farmers while ignoring demands for a comprehensive land reform that would ensure a decent quantity of arable land for all farmers. Brazil's prominent landless rural workers movement, MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra), has been increasingly experiencing difficulties in maintaining its power since many poor peasants are reluctant to join the movement for fear of losing their benefits (Welch 2011;Reyes 2012). Second, thanks to the clientelist state, which enables the president to appoint thousands of civil servants at all levels of administration, Lula and Rousseff brought hundreds of trades union and social movement cadres into the state, leading to what was described as the 'capture' of Brazil's social movements (see de Oliveira 2006;Saad-Filho and Morais 2014).…”
Section: Deradicalising Labourmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The third set of actors-largely social movement activists and movement-or civil-society-oriented scholars-argues that successful land reform requires getting the politics right. They emphasize the importance of political will, particularly the political will of the executive office, in allocating scarce resources to the landless against the interests of powerful landed elites and international agribusiness (Moyo and Yeros, 2005;Rosset, Patel, and Courville, 2006;Welch, 2011). They argue that in many countries land reform is difficult or impossible because the state is captured by elite interests, particularly those of agribusiness and the large plantation-style coroneis (colonels [see Pereira, 2003;Stedile, 2007]).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%