2017
DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt1vw0rrh
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Les défis du pluralisme à l'ère des sociétés complexes

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Cited by 3 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…Multinational federations are political systems which grant a capacity of self-government to internal nations 1) by drawing boundaries so that national minorities can form a majority within one or more federal subunits, thus enabling them to make democratic collective decisions without being outvoted by the national majority; and 2) by dividing the powers so that a 'nationality-based subunit' can have exclusive or shared jurisdiction over crucial areas such as culture, language, immigration, education and so on. We might add that a truly multinational federation formally recognizes its national minorities as such in the constitution and treat all its internal nations as equal partners (see for instance, Gagnon and Tully, 2001;Kymlicka 2001, Requejo 2004Norman 2006;Pinder 2007;Gagnon 2010;De Schutter 2011, Seymour et Laforest 2011Patten 2014;Grégoire and Jewkes 2015, Mathieu 2017, Guenette et Mathieu 2018. One may assert that such a system of multinational or plurinational federalism is fair because it provides roughly equal chances for majority and minority nations to promote their national identity (Norman 2006), because it protects minorities from aggressive nation-building assimilationist pressures from the majority nation that tend to dominate the central state (Kymlicka 2001), and because it provides equal recognition to both the majority and the minority nations (Patten 2014).…”
Section: Equal Recognition and Cultural Autonomy In Plurinational Statesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Multinational federations are political systems which grant a capacity of self-government to internal nations 1) by drawing boundaries so that national minorities can form a majority within one or more federal subunits, thus enabling them to make democratic collective decisions without being outvoted by the national majority; and 2) by dividing the powers so that a 'nationality-based subunit' can have exclusive or shared jurisdiction over crucial areas such as culture, language, immigration, education and so on. We might add that a truly multinational federation formally recognizes its national minorities as such in the constitution and treat all its internal nations as equal partners (see for instance, Gagnon and Tully, 2001;Kymlicka 2001, Requejo 2004Norman 2006;Pinder 2007;Gagnon 2010;De Schutter 2011, Seymour et Laforest 2011Patten 2014;Grégoire and Jewkes 2015, Mathieu 2017, Guenette et Mathieu 2018. One may assert that such a system of multinational or plurinational federalism is fair because it provides roughly equal chances for majority and minority nations to promote their national identity (Norman 2006), because it protects minorities from aggressive nation-building assimilationist pressures from the majority nation that tend to dominate the central state (Kymlicka 2001), and because it provides equal recognition to both the majority and the minority nations (Patten 2014).…”
Section: Equal Recognition and Cultural Autonomy In Plurinational Statesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For other defenses of multinational federations embracing the cultural autonomy only view, seeRequejo 2004Requejo , 2012De Schutter 2011. Some proponents of multinational federalism have nonetheless defended fiscal autonomy more explicitly: seeHarty and Murphy 2005;Seymour and Gagnon 2012, Gagnon 2014, Mathieu 2017, Guénette and Mathieu 2018). As mentioned above, Béland and Lecours have established a strong connection between minority nationalism and social policy(Béland and Lecours 2006).8 Trudeau, Pierre Elliott (1969), Federal-Provincial Grants and the Spending Power of Parliament, Government of Canada, 4, quoted in Telford, 2003, 25.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Lorsqu'un État multinational met en oeuvre une série de mécanismes institutionnels et de pratiques ayant pour objectifs d'établir un équilibre entre les besoins et les demandes des différentes communautés sociétales constitutives de son association politique -communautés majoritaire et minoritaire(s)-, il définit alors le socle d'une cohabitation durable et satisfaisante dans laquelle le caractère distinct de tous peut être efficacement protégé. Ceci favorise ainsi un modèle du pluralisme hospitalier de la « diversité sociétale » (Mathieu, 2017), c'est-à-dire respectueux de ces communautés politiques qui détiennent ou aspirent à développer une « culture sociétale » (Kymlicka, 2001 : 115). Toutefois, force est de constater que, bien souvent, « les nations majoritaires peinent à reconnaître de façon juste les revendications des nations minoritaires » (Gagnon, 2011 : 4), craignant, peut-on supposer, de « perforer » ou diluer leur souveraineté (cf.…”
unclassified
“…En ce sens, cet article cherche à alimenter les réflexions normatives sur les manières par lesquelles il est souhaitable, raisonnable et surtout légitime de penser le vivre-ensemble en contexte de diversité sociétale profonde (Taylor, 1993) -c'est-à-dire pour les États multinationaux et les sociétés complexes (cf. Mathieu, 2017).…”
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