L’institutionnalisation des élections et la désertion des électeurs : le paradoxe de la monarchie exécutive et citoyenne

Territorial Stress in Morocco: From Democratic to Autonomist Demands in Popular Protests in the Rif

“…New political elites, such as Ilyas El Omari, 19 became an issue in the protests. For part of the Rifian population and protesters in other parts of the country, he represented the parallel government of advisers, friends and palatial technocracy that controls or directly promotes all major decisions within the government, leading to the vast system of looting and favours available to those closest to the palace (Cohen & Jaidi, 2006;Desrues & López, 2008;Liddell, 2010). In this vein, a local leftist activist stated that the 20 February violent clashes in Al Hoceima had been fuelled by 'local groups opposed to the control that the PAM had over the Rif' (Interview II).…”

Unravelling the adoption of youth quotas in African hybrid regimes: evidence from Morocco

“…However, this reforming agenda could not be achieved without the cooperation and collaboration of political parties, which he nevertheless viewed as cumbersome bureaucratic machines (Bennani-Chraïbi 2013). In this context, the inclusion of subaltern groups, like women and young people, became one of his main priorities by publicly encouraging political parties to rejuvenate their decision-making bodies and their candidates for the elections (Desrues & López García 2008). These youth-friendly narratives did not fall on deaf ears: the existing generational gap within political parties became the breeding ground for the emergence of a youth consciousness based on their institutional marginalisation and their difficulties to be placed in the top positions of electoral lists.…”

“…The ongoing generational conflict affected not only political parties but was also reflected in the electoral turnout. For example, in the 2007 elections, 66% of potential young voters between 18 and 24 years old declared that they were not going to register 15 and the turnout was the lowest then recorded (37%) (Desrues & Lopez Garcia 2008). While during the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s young people had become a public problem due to their exclusion from the labour market, their participation in social movements and their potential for radicalisation, their low electoral participation during the 2000s along with the increasing generational conflicts within political parties turned the official narratives of youth inclusion from the social to the political sphere.…”

El PJD en política local: perfil del representante y estrategia electoral. La diferenciación como argumento político. The PJD in the local arena: demographic profile, differenciation as political strategy

“…Previsiblemente, a la elevada preparación educativa y técnica se unirá la categoría de la experiencia después de 2011 relegando así a un segundo plano la cuestión de la (ya desaparecida) 'virginidad política'. En segundo término, frente a la verticalidad de la práctica de reclutamiento de notables para realizar labores de representación, el PJD aboga por una captación horizontal y, por ende, más similar y próxima a las características de la población a la que trata de representar y que muestra signos claros de desafección política y de abstención electoral (Desrues y López García, 2008 En la segunda parte del artículo, y ante la ausencia de estadísticas disponibles relativas a los electos locales y regionales de 2015, se opta por una estrategia de análisis alternativa. Se han seleccionado los perfiles pejotadeístas más visibles -alcaldes de los principales núcleos urbanos y los dos únicos presidentes de los renovados consejos regionales-para comprobar si sus características son coherentes con las expuestas en la sección anterior.…”