Abstract:L'allocation parentale d'éducation (APE) a un double visage. Etendue par la loi sur la famille de juillet 1994 pour permettre aux ménages de deux enfants d'en bénéficier, elle est inscrite dans les comptes sociaux au titre des prestations familiales. Mais il faut la considérer aussi comme une mesure active de politique d'emploi. La preuve en est que, depuis sa mise en place, le taux d'activité des mères ayant eu récemment un deuxième enfanta diminué de manière spectaculaire. De plus, nombreuses sont celles qui… Show more
“…If it is not strictly a child-care measure, it has obviously an impact on the demand of child-care facilities. Partly because APE is a flat-rate benefit, it is taken up by women on a relatively low income, most often unemployed or with precarious and dissatisfying jobs, who make a trade-off between this benefit and a low wage or unemployment benefit (Afsa, 1996, Fagnani, 1996. Mothers living in rural areas where collective child-care facilities are absent, are also more likely to take up the benefit (Afsa, 1996).…”
Section: Low Income Mothers Encouraged To Care At Homementioning
“…If it is not strictly a child-care measure, it has obviously an impact on the demand of child-care facilities. Partly because APE is a flat-rate benefit, it is taken up by women on a relatively low income, most often unemployed or with precarious and dissatisfying jobs, who make a trade-off between this benefit and a low wage or unemployment benefit (Afsa, 1996, Fagnani, 1996. Mothers living in rural areas where collective child-care facilities are absent, are also more likely to take up the benefit (Afsa, 1996).…”
Section: Low Income Mothers Encouraged To Care At Homementioning
“…Tel est le cas de l'allocation parentale d'éducation (APE). De nombreux travaux ont évalué son impact sur l'évolution des taux d'activité des femmes ou décrit les déterminants de son recours (Afsa, 1996 ;Fagnani, 1999 ;Marc, 2004). Ils ont ainsi mis en exergue les effets de cette prestation sur les inégalités d'accès et de situations sur le marché du travail entre les hommes et les femmes.…”
Section: Seulement 10 000 Bénéficiaires Masculinsunclassified
Fathers taking parental leave. Towards new fathering practices ?
Couples in which the father has opted for the parental childcare leave allowance (Allocation Parental d''Education -APE) are « atypical » compared with couples with the same family situation (two children of which the younger is under 3) but where the father has not taken the APE. Nearly half of the fathers receiving the APE live with a partner of a higher socio-occupational category, 60 % of the female partners have higher earnings, and more than six in ten (65%) fathers live with a female partner who has higher educational qualifications. In the couples where the father was in paid employment before taking up the APE, the woman's earned income is on average higher than the man's. The decision of fathers to interrupt their working lives appears less an individual choice than an initiative of the couple that does not damage the professional trajectory of either partner. Moreover, the division of childcare and household tasks attests to practices associated with-but not openly adhered to-an egalitarian model though without forming a challenge to prevailing gender norms.
“…5 The effect of financial incentives on the labor supply of married mothers has received some attention in France in recent years, particularly following a reform in family policy in 1994 that was meant to encourage mothers to stop working after the birth of their second child. The reform was followed by a sharp decline in activity and employment for eligible married mothers (Afsa 1996, Piketty 1998, 2002. Little attention has been paid, however, to single mother families, who were not affected by that reform.…”
This paper analyzes the effect of the 1998 reform of the French single parents allowance on the labor supply of single mothers with very young children. The reform aimed at encouraging participation by allowing eligible single parents to accumulate benefits and labor earnings for a limited period of time. Using data from the French Employment Survey, the analysis shows that single mothers affected by the reform had experienced a significant increase in their employment rate four years after the reform was implemented. During the same period, the employment rate of married mothers with young children did not experience a significant change, suggesting that at least part of the increase was a consequence of the reform. These results provide some evidence that benefit schedules that provide financial incentives to work can have significant effects in getting single moms back to work, even in the presence of very young children.
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