Je peux poser une question ? » Anthropologues et fonctionnaires face aux politiques de réparations dans le Pérou post Commission de la Vérité

Abstract

Cet article résulte d’une longue étude anthropologique et historique sur la condition de victime et le Programme Intégral de Réparations (PIR) dans les villes de Huancasancos et Lucanamarca (Ayacucho, Pérou). Le PIR fait partie des directives conçues, dans les sociétés post-conflit, pour faire se rapprocher ou se réconcilier les groupes qui se sont affrontés à l’État. Ainsi, notre étude s’inscrit dans une anthropologie qui aborde l’État – les organismes qui élaborent les réparations – depuis les sujets qui y travaillent et deviennent les visages visibles de l’État lui-même. Dans cet effort, en tant que chercheures, nous avons été placées dans des rôles différents au cours de la période d’étude. Cela nous a aussi aidé à en apprendre davantage sur celles et ceux qui travaillent au sein du PIR et à aborder parallèlement l’histoire locale récente pour rendre compte des personnes qui faisaient partie d’un des groupes belligérants pendant le conflit et de leur localisation et situation actuelle. De cette manière, il s’agit de rendre compte des significations et des malentendus générés par le PIR au Pérou.

From Victims to Beneficiaries: Shaping Postconflict Subjects through State Reparations in Peru

“…In our judgment, the lack of one is a problem in the work of Ulfe, Ríos, and Málaga (2013), for whom the government's desire to convert reparations into "strategies that help to ease poverty" prevents them from reaching their goal of restoring freedom and citizenship. Something similar is stated in a later text, which laments the lack of "the reparative sense of social ties, restoring citizenship and dignity to the citizen" (Ulfe and Málaga, 2015). They do not indicate what the concrete expressions of ideas such as "freedom and citizenship" and "restoring citizenship" would be.…”

“…In this article we have delved into the way in which state institutional frameworks establish access to reparations, where the tension between approaches dubbed "comprehensive" and "limited" resulted in mechanisms whereby the transition from victim of violence to beneficiary of reparations came into conflict with the expectations and demands of several organizations. Ulfe and Málaga (2015;2017) show that the systems of classifying victims have an unwritten dimension exhibited in the way public officials envision the average profile of a victim. Our cases contribute to demonstrating that these classification mechanisms are still in effect and are redefined at the moment of deciding which victims will become beneficiaries of particular programs of reparation.…”

“…In this regard, Carranza (2009: 3) states that "even in countries like Morocco and Peru, where reparations programs are relatively on track, there is still debate over how to balance reparations with the government's obligation to encourage development." Additionally, for Ulfe (2015), because of their excessive reliance on econometric and statistical criteria for fighting poverty neoliberal policy designs are antithetical to those of transitional justice. This lack of distinction could impede the recognition of human rights violations or distort the reparatory component of the policies.…”

Incommensurable worlds, irreparable wounds: Transitional justice politics and personal violent pasts in postconflict Peru

“…His government did nothing to try to restore social bonds, reinforce the democratization of the judicial system, or tackle any other important human rights issues. Instead, as we have shown in the case of Huanca Sancos, the State arrived in rural communities in the form of military presence and social programmes to fight poverty (Ulfe and Málaga Sabogal, 2017a, 2017b). The reparations programme ended up as just another element in this social policy puzzle.…”