Iraq's Constitution of 2005: Liberal consociation as political prescription

McGarry, John; O’Leary, Brendan

doi:10.1093/icon/mom026

Cited by 122 publications

(83 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary have elucidated the distinction between corporate and liberal forms of consociationalism. 20 A corporate consociation 'accommodates groups according to ascriptive criteria, such as ethnicity or religion'. 21 It privileges certain identities by ensuring specified groups are guaranteed specified proportions of power in governing institutions.…”

Section: Power-sharing Between Ethno-national Groupsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Representation and Power-Sharing in Post-Conflict Institutions

Byrne¹,

McCulloch²

2012

International Peacekeeping

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

An emerging tension characterizes conflict resolution practice: promoting power-sharing between ethnic groups while simultaneously mandating women's inclusion in peace processes and in post-conflict institutions. Scholars of ethnic conflict have not adequately theorized the gender implications of power-sharing, and practitioners have failed to implement mechanisms that would make power-sharing representative of constituencies beyond ethno-national cleavages. There is no substantive reason why the representation of women and ethnic groups should be in tension. Nevertheless, gender is often ignored in the power-sharing literature and gender-mainstreaming practices appear irreconcilable with power-sharing practice. Drawing on three cases of post-conflict power-sharingBosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, and Northern Ireland -this article identifies reasons why this tension remains in practice, especially the overriding emphasis in powersharing on ethno-nationalist elites and conflict protagonists.Over the last decade, conflict resolution scholars and practitioners have increasingly promoted power-sharing institutions in ethnically divided societies. Powersharing entails the participation and representation of all ethnic groups in conflict resolution and post-conflict institutions and, when confronted by ethnic conflicts, is favoured by international organizations including the UN. At the same time, international agencies and advocacy networks have been drawing attention to the role of women in peacebuilding. The UN calls for member states to increase women's participation in the negotiation and implementation of peace agreements. Drawing on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), on 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS), feminist scholars and activists are carving out a role for women in conflict resolution and post-conflict peacebuilding. Yet a tension is evident: ethnic conflict scholars have yet to adequately theorize the gendered implications of power-sharing arrangements, while practitioners have yet to implement the kind of mechanisms that would make power-sharing constituencies representative beyond ethno-national-sectarian cleavages.This article examines three cases of ethnicized conflict in which power-sharing was implemented as part of a larger peace process. In two cases, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in 1995 and Northern Ireland in 1998, power-sharing was adopted prior to Resolution 1325. In a third case, Burundi, a transitional peace agreement was adopted in 2000, and power-sharing was constitutionally enshrined in 2005. The cases illustrate some of the challenges in reconciling the inclusion of women with the inclusion of ethno-national groups. The analysis is centred on Resolution 1325, given its specific emphasis on women's

show abstract

Section: Power-sharing Between Ethno-national Groupsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Representation and Power-Sharing in Post-Conflict Institutions

Byrne¹,

McCulloch²

2012

International Peacekeeping

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Similarly, Michael Kerr underscores foreign countries' imposition of power sharing as often instrumental in the framing of 'cosociationalim' (Kerr, 2005). McGarry and O'Leary recognize the limits of ethnic cosociationalism in Iraq and have proposed revising Liphart's original powersharing formula so as to allow for loose consociationalism within the framework of 'federacy' in a 'pluralist federation' (McGarry & O'Leary, 2007;O'Leary, 2005).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recognizing the deficiencies inherent in rigid ethnic consociationalism, Arend Lijphart adopted Theodore Hanf's recommendation of loosening ethno-determinism in any powersharing arrangement, moving from a rigid 'corporate' consociationalism to a more accommodating 'liberal' consociationalism (McGarry & O'Leary, 2007). This neo-consociationalism recognizes the right for 'self-determination', making confessional group membership optional rather than obligatory, thus accommodating both ethnic/confessional and 'secular' aspirations in the power-sharing arrangement (Hanf, 1981, p. 249;Lijphart, 2006, p. 285;McGarry & O'Leary, 2006.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Consociational Democracy and Urban Sustainability: Transforming the Confessional Divides in Beirut

Salamey

Tabar

2008

Ethnopolitics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…1 At present, more than twenty years later, the Lebanese state has continued to enjoy relative stability and this success is again ascribed to the power sharing elements in its institutions by various scholars (Lijphart, 1999;McCulloch, 2012;McGarry & O'Leary, 2007). Besides, more thorough research about the origins of the Lebanese civil war often concludes that the factors leading to it were external rather than internal, and that the latter ones were related to the pre-determined character of Lebanon's consociation, i.e.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, consociational theorists generally favor the liberal over the corporate type (McCulloch, 2012;Lijphart, 1999;McGarry & O'Leary, 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%