Internacionalismo reaccionario y nuevas derechas neopatriotas latinoamericanas frente al orden internacional liberal

Abstract

This work argues that the new far-right, which we characterise as neo-patriotic, emerges through a combination of agency and structural factors amid a crisis of globalisation, understanding it as a crisis in the hegemonic order. The crisis of globalisation opens opportunities for the rise of a new far-right which redefines the popular, the national, and the international based on Schmittian friend-enemy distinctions, as an autonomous categorisation, which gives political meaning to their identity as a political actor. A key element of this identity is a reactionary internationalism based on the defence of tradition against cosmopolitan globalism. Thus, the reinstatement of a traditionalist "Arcadia" gives meaning to the process of re-politization and challenges to the liberal international order, its national, regional, and global dimensions, universalist and globalist discourse, and its teleologies of progress. In sum, these actors do not merely question globalisation as an established order but fight for the construction of an alternative international order of a reactionary type.

How regional organizations cope with recurrent stress: the case of South America

“…Political-ideological polarization and incompatible ideas about the direction of regional cooperation contributed to the decline of regionalism. Likewise, the pushback against multilateralism from right-wing populist presidents (Sanahuja and López Burian 2020), especially in Brazil, makes closer cooperation difficult. At present there is little evidence that ideological positions are converging, and no regional leader willing to promote new regional projects or to revitalize the paralyzed ones.…”

“…However, the level of institutionalization remained low. Apart from the 1990s, where the creation of supranational institutions was a fashionable topic, "light regionalism" was the dominant concept in the early years of the 21 st century (Sanahuja 2008). While the technical secretariats of Mercosur and the Andean Community are not very strong, the UNASUR secretariat (which no longer exists) was even weaker, and CELAC, ALBA, or the Pacific Alliance have no secretariats at all.…”

“…Political-ideological polarization not only hinders the development of joint regional projects, but also jeopardizes the survival of existing ones. With the rise of a new populist or "neo-patriotic" right (Sanahuja and López Burian 2020), especially in Brazil after the election of Jair Bolsonaro as president, the constellation has become even more complicated. Whereas the liberal right supported trade-oriented regional organizations to facilitate integration into the world economy, the "anti-globalist" right questions multilateral institutions and agreements.…”

The Pacific Alliance and its influence on South American regionalism

“…As argued before, Latin American regionalism is under stress due to a lack of regional leadership, economic decline, and ideological conflicts, among other factors (Nolte & Weiffen, 2020). The emergence of Prosur in South American regionalism is deeply connected to the disintegration of Unasur, the radicalization of the Lima Group (Barros & Gonçalves, 2021), and the rise of the neo‐patriotic right in Latin America (Sanahuja & López Burian 2020). The crisis in South American regionalism is the context in which Chile and Colombia took the lead and proposed Prosur according to their ideas on what a forum to promote regional cooperation should be.…”

¿Cómo cautiva a la juventud el neoconservadurismo? Rebeldía, formación e influencers de extrema derecha en Latinoamérica

“…Si bien no es la intención del artículo proponer una mirada comparada, los datos permiten presentar un breve análisis panorámico, de carácter cuantitativo, de la distribución geográfica de los actores hallados, para luego focalizar la mirada en las estrategias de interpelación a las juventudes de manera transversal. Sin desconocer las diferencias contextuales de cada país latinoamericano, el análisis transversal se torna posible considerando que en los últimos años las acciones estratégicas de este campo han adquirido una fuerte dimensión transnacional, articulándose regionalmente, tal como ha destacado la literatura especializada (Panotto, 2020;Sanahuja y López Burian, 2020).…”