Abstract:Women were the main violence rapporteur, with predominance of the psychological type. Precarious infrastructure and the imposition of professional decisions were identified by the companion as violence. For health professionals, performing procedures without consent does not characterize violence, but guarantees childbirth security. Final considerations: The most common types of violence in Brazilian maternity hospitals are psychological, physical and structural. Most of the time, violence is reported by women… Show more
“…Restraining the movements of the women at childbirth and the use of procedures without consent or explanations, as well as the use of techniques not supported by scientific evidence. These forms of violence were not generally perceived by professionals as physical violence, but rather practices designed to ensure safety that were approved by the professional authority, especially the doctor (13) .…”
Section: Told the Medical Students That I Was Afraid Of Having My Bmentioning
Objective: To know the perception of multiparous women about their experiences with obstetric violence. Methods: Qualitative descriptive study carried out from January to May 2019 in basic health units in the city of Rio Grande, Rio Grande do Sul. Twenty multiparous women from the community participated in the study. Data were collected through interviews and submitted to content analysis. Results: Two subcategories were constructed: Obstetric Violence in primiparous women, where women suffered verbal violence to collaborate during fetal expulsion in labor; Obstetric violence in multiparous women, where there was verbal and physical violence related to the fact that the women had many children. Final considerations: Obstetric violence in health institutions is experienced by many women. The trauma suffered will follow them through their lives. The naturalization of violent practices during labor and birth should be avoided, in order to ensure respectful and non-discriminatory care.
“…Restraining the movements of the women at childbirth and the use of procedures without consent or explanations, as well as the use of techniques not supported by scientific evidence. These forms of violence were not generally perceived by professionals as physical violence, but rather practices designed to ensure safety that were approved by the professional authority, especially the doctor (13) .…”
Section: Told the Medical Students That I Was Afraid Of Having My Bmentioning
Objective: To know the perception of multiparous women about their experiences with obstetric violence. Methods: Qualitative descriptive study carried out from January to May 2019 in basic health units in the city of Rio Grande, Rio Grande do Sul. Twenty multiparous women from the community participated in the study. Data were collected through interviews and submitted to content analysis. Results: Two subcategories were constructed: Obstetric Violence in primiparous women, where women suffered verbal violence to collaborate during fetal expulsion in labor; Obstetric violence in multiparous women, where there was verbal and physical violence related to the fact that the women had many children. Final considerations: Obstetric violence in health institutions is experienced by many women. The trauma suffered will follow them through their lives. The naturalization of violent practices during labor and birth should be avoided, in order to ensure respectful and non-discriminatory care.
“…Compared to white women, Afro-descendants and brown receive less professional guidance, fewer consultations and examinations during prenatal and postpartum stages, and are less likely to be assigned to a maternity unit for childbirth therefore more likely to require longer journeys to neighbour states or regions before or while in labour (Leal et al 2017, p. 10). Finally, for many women the realisation of human rights to health, and the effective enjoyment of SRH rights in particular, is also critically challenged by institutional violence associated with verbal abuse and insensitive treatment towards mixed-race or black women, and women with lower education (Marrero and Brüggemann 2018).…”
Section: The Right To Health As (Unfulfilled) Democratic Citizenship mentioning
Sexual and reproductive health needs and rights are one of the bleakest examples of (racialised) gender health inequalities in Brazil. This is so despite legal and constitutional specificity recognising the right to health as right of citizenship. In this paper we argue that a 'performance gap' is revealed in contradictions between what the right to health as a normative framework encourages states to do, and institutional arrangements and power relations that underpin everyday gendered inequalities in health delivery. The contribution of this article is twofold. First, it contributes to feminist political economy accounts of the neglect of sexual and reproductive rights by adding a perspective of human dignity as an approach to gender inequalities. Second, it explores ways in which health inequalities manifest in everyday practices, and how divergent expectations of what the right to health means for professionals and for disadvantaged black women limit the capacity of healthcare to make a difference to their well-being. The article also underlines the importance of complementing legal accountability in health with mechanisms that account for prerogatives of gender justice, equality and dignity.
“…A percepção de violência verbal, psicológica e física esteve presente, independente do modelo de assistência obstétrica identificado, e representa a desumanização da assistência e a perpetuação da opressão feminina na assistência à saúde 26 . É uma violência que vai além das contextualizações supracitadas, pois engloba a realização de práticas obstétricas desnecessárias e por vezes danosas 27,28 .…”
Section: Modelo De Assistência Obstétricaunclassified
Os objetivos do estudo foram identificar modelos de assistência obstétrica em gestantes de risco habitual na Região Sul do Brasil, estimar os fatores associados a esses modelos e os desfechos maternos e neonatais. Realizou-se estudo seccional a partir da pesquisa Nascer no Brasil, de base hospitalar, que envolveu puérperas e recém-nascidos. Foram identificadas 2.668 gestantes de risco habitual. Procedeu-se a uma análise exploratória, com a utilização da proporção de práticas por hospital, entre elas o desencadeamento do trabalho de parto, a presença de acompanhante, a cesárea e o contato pele a pele, para a obtenção de modelos de assistência obstétrica denominados Boas Práticas, Intervencionista I e Intervencionista II. Em seguida, realizou-se uma análise inferencial das características associadas. Os resultados mostraram que o acesso ao financiamento público ou privado, os fatores culturais e a atuação dos profissionais de saúde apresentaram associações com os modelos de assistência. A assistência pública apresentou diferentes contextos: um primeiro, alicerçado em políticas públicas e na prática baseada em evidência; um segundo, baseado na intencionalidade pelo parto vaginal, sem considerar os princípios de humanização. Já a assistência privada é padronizada e centrada no profissional médico, com maiores níveis de intervenção. Conclui-se que há predomínio dos modelos de assistência obstétrica intervencionistas na Região Sul do Brasil, uma assistência na contramão das melhores evidências, e que as mulheres assistidas em hospitais públicos possuem mais chance de serem beneficiadas com as boas práticas.
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