“…India became a subordinate agricultural colony under the dominance of metropolitan, industrial Britain; its basic cultural institutions were disempowered and fixed in unchanging “traditional” forms; its “civil society” was subjected to the suzerainty of a military despotic state. (1999:397)A focus on the global inceptions of capital thus discloses the modern empire as “an agent of both modernization and traditionalization, of both global integration and regional peripheralization,” which served to “deepen the social forms of ‘backwardness’ it simultaneously sought to reform” (Sartori :642).…”
Section: Global Genealogy Of Capitalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…India became a subordinate agricultural colony under the dominance of metropolitan, industrial Britain; its basic cultural institutions were disempowered and fixed in unchanging “traditional” forms; its “civil society” was subjected to the suzerainty of a military despotic state. (1999:397)…”
Recent critical analyses of global land grabs have variously invoked global capitalism and neocolonialism to account for this trend. One line of inquiry approaches land grabs as instances of “primitive accumulation of capital” whereby lands in the Global South are “enclosed” and brought within the ambit of global capitalism. Another perspective invokes the history of Anglo‐American colonialism for critiquing the developmentalist discourse that depicts Africa as the “last frontier” to be tamed by the techno‐industrial civilization of the North. This essay integrates these two perspectives by elaborating capitalism as an irreducibly colonial formation with global inceptions. I begin with a discussion of “primitive accumulation” and, counter to many, question the suitability of “enclosure” for interpreting land grabs. The second section delves into the theoretical origins of primitive accumulation, proposing to situate it in a global and colonial genealogy of capitalism. A final section charts the theoretical and historical contours of this global genealogy and arrives at a more capacious reconceptualization of primitive accumulation. I conclude by reflecting on the implications of contemporary land grabs for in situ displacement, the fungibility of land, and new enclosures in the contemporary reconfiguration of global value chains.
“…India became a subordinate agricultural colony under the dominance of metropolitan, industrial Britain; its basic cultural institutions were disempowered and fixed in unchanging “traditional” forms; its “civil society” was subjected to the suzerainty of a military despotic state. (1999:397)A focus on the global inceptions of capital thus discloses the modern empire as “an agent of both modernization and traditionalization, of both global integration and regional peripheralization,” which served to “deepen the social forms of ‘backwardness’ it simultaneously sought to reform” (Sartori :642).…”
Section: Global Genealogy Of Capitalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…India became a subordinate agricultural colony under the dominance of metropolitan, industrial Britain; its basic cultural institutions were disempowered and fixed in unchanging “traditional” forms; its “civil society” was subjected to the suzerainty of a military despotic state. (1999:397)…”
Recent critical analyses of global land grabs have variously invoked global capitalism and neocolonialism to account for this trend. One line of inquiry approaches land grabs as instances of “primitive accumulation of capital” whereby lands in the Global South are “enclosed” and brought within the ambit of global capitalism. Another perspective invokes the history of Anglo‐American colonialism for critiquing the developmentalist discourse that depicts Africa as the “last frontier” to be tamed by the techno‐industrial civilization of the North. This essay integrates these two perspectives by elaborating capitalism as an irreducibly colonial formation with global inceptions. I begin with a discussion of “primitive accumulation” and, counter to many, question the suitability of “enclosure” for interpreting land grabs. The second section delves into the theoretical origins of primitive accumulation, proposing to situate it in a global and colonial genealogy of capitalism. A final section charts the theoretical and historical contours of this global genealogy and arrives at a more capacious reconceptualization of primitive accumulation. I conclude by reflecting on the implications of contemporary land grabs for in situ displacement, the fungibility of land, and new enclosures in the contemporary reconfiguration of global value chains.
“…Evitado pelos colonizadores espanhóis, o Estreito de Magalhães passou a ser gradativamente mais visitado à medida que cresceram os fluxos comerciais e populacionais entre a Europa e o Extremo Oriente, em especial à China e à Índia, para onde eram vendidos produtos exóticos e de onde se importavam cada vez mais produtos de luxo, como seda, porcelanas e marfim (WASHBROOK, 1999).…”
Section: O Fluxo De Gente E Navios Europeus Por Aquela Conexão Marítiunclassified
Este artigo discute o crescente interesse das potências ocidentais no Estreito de Magalhães, Patagônia e Terra do Fogo nas primeiras décadas do século XIX. São conectados os objetivos estratégicos dos governos aos comerciais de companhias de caça e comércio para a compreensão do financiamento de expedições oficiais de exploração e mapeamento da região. São analisados os relatos de dois comandantes britânicos a serviço da Marinha Real que percorreram aquela região e procuraram conciliar ciência e interesses pessoais na publicação de relatos de suas viagens, descrevendo descobertas, aventuras, a desconstrução de lendas e os tensos e conflituosos contatos com os indígenas locais.
ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the growing interests of Western great powers on the Strait of Magellan, Patagonia and Tierra de Fuego during the first half of the 19 th century. Strategic government objectives are connected to those of commercial and hunting companies to comprehend the funding of official exploring and mapping expedition to these lands. It analyses two travel accounts of British commanders of the Royal Navy who travelled and described that region.
“…It was founded upon the image of native sovereignty, that enviable fabrication of a unitary power untrammelled by constitutional impediments: India as the most splendid of Oriental despotisms. This image was conducive for the exercise of power maximally, so that it effectively allowed ‘the new generation of British rulers [to claim] a monopoly of legitimate coercive force within society and over it’ (Washbrook : 404). This is the new generation of officials who administered the Empire on behalf of the ungrateful natives.…”
Section: The Liberal State and Modernitymentioning
The moral modality of colonial power is still with us when it comes to the recreation of sexual norms of traditional or feudal society. We can examine the emergent properties of colonial knowledge anew by exploring how the colonial regime's strategic attention of regulating brothels in India differed from the analytic of power Foucault described for sexuality in European society. It turns out that amongst other things, public anxieties about the failure of adaptation by South Asians are incapable of leaving sexuality aside as a key interpretive device for their culture. The British preoccupation with reproducing the dynamics of the bourgeois matrimonial market on foreign soil in the mid-nineteenth century similarly necessitated a sociological pretext for racial purity. However, the kind of knowledge a typical traveller and employee of the East India Company brought to the Victorian public from his own researches in the brothels and streets of colonial India, which revealed how popular prostitution was as a vice amongst the officer class, was also more than a welcome imaginary relief from Christian morality; it was an alternative vision of modernity.
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