Illegality in the informal labour market: findings from pilot research on child labour in Istanbul

Erdoğan, Emre; Semerci, Pınar Uyan

doi:10.1080/23760818.2018.1517448

Cited by 6 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…The expressions coded under the representation of the socially destructive Syrian emphasize that the behavior of the refugees will disrupt the social order. This finding is similar to the findings of studies (e.g., Erdoğan & Semerci, 2018;Korkmaz, 2018), pointing out negative attitudes and behaviors towards Syrian refugees. When these findings are evaluated together with the hosts expressing that they and Syrian refugees have different behaviors, it may reflect the symbolic threat in the context of intergroup relations.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 92%

“…For instance, Özdemir & Öner-Özkan (2016) emphasize that internet user participants have representations that Syrian refugees harm the economy and do not pay taxes. Similar representations are also found in the media (Çağlar & Özkır, 2014; see also Doğanay & Keneş, 2016;Erdoğan & Semerci, 2018;Pandır et al, 2015).…”

Section: Identity and Realistic Conflictsupporting

confidence: 61%

“…Hosts occasionally report that refugees threaten their own values and dignity (Rios et al, 2018;Stephan et al, 2005). Hosts living in Turkey often perceive symbolic threats from Syrian refugees (Erdoğan & Semerci, 2018). A similar situation also exists for the representations of hosts towards Syrian refugees.…”

Section: Identity and Realistic Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Türkiye'de yaşayan yerel halk Suriyeli mültecilerden sıklıkla sembolik tehdit algılamaktadır (Erdoğan ve Semerci, 2018). Dış gruptan algılanan tehdit algısı üyelerin, dış gruplarına yönelik görece olumsuz temsile sahip olmaları ile ilişkilidir (Xiao ve Bavel, 2012).…”

Section: Gerçekçi çAtışma Kuramı Bakış Açısından Dış Grup Temsiliunclassified

“…Toplumsal yıkıcı Suriyeli temsili altında kodlanan ifadeler ise mültecilerin davranışlarının toplumun düzenini bozacağını vurgulamaktadır. Bu bulgu, Suriyeli mültecilere yönelik olumsuz tutum ve davranışları işaret eden çalışmaların (örn., Erdoğan ve Semerci, 2018;Korkmaz, 2018) bulguları ile benzerlik göstermektedir. Kendileri ile farklı davranışlara sahip olduğunu ifade etmek, yerel halkın gerçekçi tehdit algısının bir yansıması olabilir.…”

Section: Suriyeli Mülteci Temsilleriunclassified

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The Common Other Syrian : The Syrian Refugee Representation in the Context of Social Identity and Realistic Threat

Çoksan¹,

Erdugan²,

Öner-Özkan³

2020

Preprint

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The aim of the current study to describe representations about Syrian refugees of two major ethnic groups -Turks and Kurds- in the context of the Social Identity Approach and Realistic Conflict Theory. In addition, we aimed to examine the relationship between the participants' ingroup identification and their representations about Syrian refugees and to describe the difference between their representations in the context of being an advantaged or disadvantaged group in Turkey. We measured the ingroup identification of 34 participants, 16 of whom were women, with an average age of 39. We verbatim transcripted the semi-structured interview records, which lasted approximately 28 minutes, and revealed that 7 representations (Economic Burden and Financial Threat Syrian, Cultural Pollutant Syrian, Societal Destructive Syrian, İmmigrant Syrian, Syrian who Fled from Own Homeland, Beggar and Homeless Syrian, Syrian with Many Children) were emphasized in the answers of at least half of the participants. We found that participants' ingroup identification predicted the power of their "cultural pollutant Syrian representation", but no prediction for their "economic burden and financial threat Syrian representation". Moreover, according to the coding of the first rater, there was no difference between the Kurds and Turks in terms of the power of Syrian refugees to be represented as an economic threat, whereas according to the coding of the second rater, Turkish participants (advantaged group members) had more financial threat representation than Kurdish participants. In terms of the power of Syrian refugees to be represented as cultural pollutants between the Kurds and Turks, there was no difference according to the coding of both judges. Findings were discussed within the scope of the related literature.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 92%

Section: Identity and Realistic Conflictsupporting

confidence: 61%

Section: Identity and Realistic Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Gerçekçi çAtışma Kuramı Bakış Açısından Dış Grup Temsiliunclassified

Section: Suriyeli Mülteci Temsilleriunclassified

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The Common Other Syrian : The Syrian Refugee Representation in the Context of Social Identity and Realistic Threat

Çoksan¹,

Erdugan²,

Öner-Özkan³

2020

Preprint

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Child Labor in Turkey: An Overview

Uyan-Semerci

Erdoğan²

2022

Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science

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Beliefs, economics, and spatial regimes in voting behavior: the Turkish case, 2007–2018

Gündem

2023

Humanit Soc Sci Commun

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The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) came to power in 2002, and since then has never received <34% of nationwide voter support in Turkish general elections. Recent research focuses on the Economic Voting Theorem (EVT), specifically the varieties of pocketbook or sociotropic voting, as the primary explanation for the AKP’s successive electoral victories. However, this approach fails to adequately explain the ongoing electoral support for the AKP at both national and local levels, even under poor economic performance. It also fails to consider the impact of the spatial components of peripheral sociologies. This study employs the comparative method with EVT and Center–Periphery (C–P) phenomena in order to understand the dominant characteristics of voting behavior from a spatial perspective. Although EVT and C–P explanations take part in the literature, a limited number of studies measure and visualize the impact of those from a spatial perspective. In order to distinguish between the effects of EVT and C–P the study utilizes an original data set that measures different socio-economic factors such as per capita growth, unemployment, inflation, education, age, religious conservatism, ethnicity, and space both at the national and local levels. The results, contrary to expectations, show that the main drivers of voting behavior for the AKP consist of a mix of both C–P and EVT while C–P factors have a greater impact. In comparison to the EVT, C–P features such as religious conservatism and ethnicity perform better as predictors of the AKP’s electoral performance than the national and local economic conditions. Also, spatial results imply that support for the AKP has different spatial regimes based on ethnic identity and there are no spatial spillovers between spatial regimes in terms of voting behavior.

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Illegality in the informal labour market: findings from pilot research on child labour in Istanbul

Cited by 6 publications

References 13 publications

The Common Other Syrian : The Syrian Refugee Representation in the Context of Social Identity and Realistic Threat

The Common Other Syrian : The Syrian Refugee Representation in the Context of Social Identity and Realistic Threat

Child Labor in Turkey: An Overview

Beliefs, economics, and spatial regimes in voting behavior: the Turkish case, 2007–2018

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