“…In the present study we focus on one component of what the police do that may produce perceptions of hostile treatment-"high-policing" practices. Brodeur (1983Brodeur ( , 2010 explains that in contrast to "low policing," which is focused on "classic" local crime and disorder problems, the goal of high policing is to protect the "state" or "national security" (even if this aim coincides with protecting citizens, as is the case with counterterrorism). Developing from this unique orientation, the tactics of high policing are also different from everyday policing practices.…”
Section: "High-policing" Practices and Perceptions Of Hostile Treatmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They are characterized by the collection of data and it analysis for the purpose of creating intelligence and threat assessments, and frequently involve various surveillance methods. It is therefore not surprising that high-policing tactics are often cloaked in secrecy and deception (Brodeur 2010), and are thus less accountable, and have been associated with violations of human rights, due process, and procedural justice (Bayley & Weisburd 2009;Brodeur 2010).…”
Section: "High-policing" Practices and Perceptions Of Hostile Treatmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this article we focus on one expected outcome of policeprovided procedural justice-the mitigation of negative emotions that may arise in police-citizen interactions: humiliation, intimidation, and a sense of indifferent treatment (referred to herein as perceptions of hostile treatment); and one factor that is expected to elicit such negative emotions: the use of "high-policing" practices. High policing addresses strategic problems at the macrolevel, such as national security (rather than local crime and disorder problems), and is characterized by tactics that are less transparent and accountable, and thus prone to violations of human rights and due process (e.g., Bayley & Weisburd 2009;Brodeur 1983Brodeur , 2010Brodeur & Dupeyron 2003). We ask if the behavioral elements of procedural justice (including treating citizens with respect, concern, and transparency) "neutralize" the expected negative outcomes of high policing, or, alternatively, if some intrusive tactics produce a sense of hostile treatment independent of the "amount" of procedural justice embedded in the officer's behavior.…”
What affects perceptions of hostile treatment by police, characterized by feelings such as humiliation and intimidation? Is it what the police do to the citizen, or is it about how they do it? The important effects of procedural justice are well documented in the policing literature. Yet, it is not clear how high‐policing tactics, coupled with procedural justice, affect one's sense of hostile treatment: is it the case that what the police do does not matter as long as they follow the principles of procedural justice, or do some invasive or unpleasant tactics produce negative emotions regardless of the amount of procedural justice displayed by the officer? In the present study we examine this question in the context of security checks at Ben‐Gurion Airport, Israel. Using a survey of 1,970 passengers, we find that the behavioral elements of procedural justice are an important antidote, mitigating the negative effects of four “extra” screening measures on the perceived hostility of the checks. At the same time, two security measures retain an independent and significant effect. We discuss the implications of our findings and hypothesize about the characteristics of policing practices that are less sensitive to procedural justice.
“…In the present study we focus on one component of what the police do that may produce perceptions of hostile treatment-"high-policing" practices. Brodeur (1983Brodeur ( , 2010 explains that in contrast to "low policing," which is focused on "classic" local crime and disorder problems, the goal of high policing is to protect the "state" or "national security" (even if this aim coincides with protecting citizens, as is the case with counterterrorism). Developing from this unique orientation, the tactics of high policing are also different from everyday policing practices.…”
Section: "High-policing" Practices and Perceptions Of Hostile Treatmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They are characterized by the collection of data and it analysis for the purpose of creating intelligence and threat assessments, and frequently involve various surveillance methods. It is therefore not surprising that high-policing tactics are often cloaked in secrecy and deception (Brodeur 2010), and are thus less accountable, and have been associated with violations of human rights, due process, and procedural justice (Bayley & Weisburd 2009;Brodeur 2010).…”
Section: "High-policing" Practices and Perceptions Of Hostile Treatmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this article we focus on one expected outcome of policeprovided procedural justice-the mitigation of negative emotions that may arise in police-citizen interactions: humiliation, intimidation, and a sense of indifferent treatment (referred to herein as perceptions of hostile treatment); and one factor that is expected to elicit such negative emotions: the use of "high-policing" practices. High policing addresses strategic problems at the macrolevel, such as national security (rather than local crime and disorder problems), and is characterized by tactics that are less transparent and accountable, and thus prone to violations of human rights and due process (e.g., Bayley & Weisburd 2009;Brodeur 1983Brodeur , 2010Brodeur & Dupeyron 2003). We ask if the behavioral elements of procedural justice (including treating citizens with respect, concern, and transparency) "neutralize" the expected negative outcomes of high policing, or, alternatively, if some intrusive tactics produce a sense of hostile treatment independent of the "amount" of procedural justice embedded in the officer's behavior.…”
What affects perceptions of hostile treatment by police, characterized by feelings such as humiliation and intimidation? Is it what the police do to the citizen, or is it about how they do it? The important effects of procedural justice are well documented in the policing literature. Yet, it is not clear how high‐policing tactics, coupled with procedural justice, affect one's sense of hostile treatment: is it the case that what the police do does not matter as long as they follow the principles of procedural justice, or do some invasive or unpleasant tactics produce negative emotions regardless of the amount of procedural justice displayed by the officer? In the present study we examine this question in the context of security checks at Ben‐Gurion Airport, Israel. Using a survey of 1,970 passengers, we find that the behavioral elements of procedural justice are an important antidote, mitigating the negative effects of four “extra” screening measures on the perceived hostility of the checks. At the same time, two security measures retain an independent and significant effect. We discuss the implications of our findings and hypothesize about the characteristics of policing practices that are less sensitive to procedural justice.
“…Officers will need new technical skills to operate technical equipment and manage the data and analytics the machines produce. In common with police involved in intelligence management and other 'high policing' tasks (Brodeur, 1983), everyday 'low policing' will become 'knowledge work' (Ericson and Haggerty, 1997). Much of this will be automated and informated.…”
This paper examines the impact of body-worn video (BWV) on the police craft skills of close observation, note-taking, investigative analysis, report-writing and preparation of evidence for the courts. It explains how the technology functions and explores its surveillant, investigative, probative and regulatory applications. The evidence shows that policing tasks are being transformed by BWV cameras and analytics such as facial recognition. The paper argues that BWV exemplifies the automation of policingthe replacement of police labour with mechanical devicesand explores the implications of this for transparency, accountability, fairness and police discretion.
“…For us, these developments signal`a blurring of boundaries betweeǹ`h igh'' and``low'' policing', 52 or`similarities and overlap between political policing and police work in general'. 53 In the context of our arguments, this trend is concerning because high policing involves claims`under the blanket mandate of protecting``national security''', 54 which are often, by their nature, inscrutable. Furthermore, just as the push for secrecy affects trust and accountability in relation to the executive government and intelligence services, so, we contend, intelligence-led policing, and the secrecy that necessarily entails, affects police trust and accountability, and has potential to compromise open justice.…”
Section: Normalization Of Intelligence-led Policingmentioning
This article examines recent United Kingdom government proposals for secret inquests, which, it is argued, are part of a general push for secrecy discernible across common law jurisdictions, and which include developments such as increased recourse to sensitive evidence in forensic settings and the normalization of intelligence‐led policing. While the push for secrecy is justified by national security claims, the article shows that in cases of contentious death involving police, the issue is less about national security and more about the use of intercept evidence, covert surveillance, and intelligence‐led policing, all of which have implications for police trust, accountability, and reputation management.
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