“…Though we focus on the 2000 Cartagena Protocol, concerns over regulatory competition-in particular regarding the biotechnology industry-also played a central role in determining U.S. and EU positions on the broader 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity. See Hopgood (1998, p. 168), Raustiala (1997), Falkner (2001), and Schreurs (2005. 8.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Operating within the supportive U.S. regulatory environment, American firms became major producers and exporters of GM crops and seeds. By making it easier for countries to exclude such products, the Cartagena Protocol would disadvantage both U.S. farmers and biotechnology producers, and they successfully pressed the U.S. government to oppose the protocol (Bernauer, 2003;Schreurs, 2005).…”
When environmental issues emerged on the international agenda in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the United States was of one of the strongest and most consistent supporters of international environmental treaties and agreements. The member states of the European Union subsequently ratified all the international treaties created in this period, but U.S. leadership was crucial and European states were laggards in many cases. Since the 1990s, the political dynamics of international environmental policy have shifted, with the European Union emerging as a global environmental leader and the United States repeatedly opposing multilateral environmental agreements. The authors argue that a “regulatory politics” model that synthesizes the effects of domestic politics and international regulatory competition provides the most powerful explanation of why the United States and European Union have “traded places” with respect to their support for international environmental agreements.
“…Though we focus on the 2000 Cartagena Protocol, concerns over regulatory competition-in particular regarding the biotechnology industry-also played a central role in determining U.S. and EU positions on the broader 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity. See Hopgood (1998, p. 168), Raustiala (1997), Falkner (2001), and Schreurs (2005. 8.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Operating within the supportive U.S. regulatory environment, American firms became major producers and exporters of GM crops and seeds. By making it easier for countries to exclude such products, the Cartagena Protocol would disadvantage both U.S. farmers and biotechnology producers, and they successfully pressed the U.S. government to oppose the protocol (Bernauer, 2003;Schreurs, 2005).…”
When environmental issues emerged on the international agenda in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the United States was of one of the strongest and most consistent supporters of international environmental treaties and agreements. The member states of the European Union subsequently ratified all the international treaties created in this period, but U.S. leadership was crucial and European states were laggards in many cases. Since the 1990s, the political dynamics of international environmental policy have shifted, with the European Union emerging as a global environmental leader and the United States repeatedly opposing multilateral environmental agreements. The authors argue that a “regulatory politics” model that synthesizes the effects of domestic politics and international regulatory competition provides the most powerful explanation of why the United States and European Union have “traded places” with respect to their support for international environmental agreements.
“…The EU has adopted a precautionary -or some observers would even say prohibitive (Paarlberg 2001) -stance on GMOs (Tosun 2013), while the USA has favoured a liberal regulatory approach (e.g. Bernauer 2003;Bernauer and Meins 2003;Prakash and Kollman 2003;Schreurs 2005;Rhinard and Kaeding 2006;Bernauer and Aerni 2008;Pollack and Shaffer 2009;Skogstad 2011;Schneider and Urpelainen 2013). During the negotiation of the Cartagena Protocol, the EU emerged as the leader in the final round of negotiations and 'pushed for the adoption of the precautionary principle in risk assessment and sought to assist developing countries in their efforts to strengthen domestic regulations, against the interests of the US and other GMO exporters' (Falkner 2007, p. 513; see also Arts and Mack 2003;Andree 2005;Rhinard and Kaeding 2006;Groenleer and Van Schaik 2007;Pollack and Shaffer 2009).…”
The literature on international regulatory regimes has highlighted how rival standards can create different points of convergence. Scholarly attention has also focused on how the European Union (EU) and the United States (USA) attempt to ‘export’ their environmental standards internationally. Here, we explore the effectiveness of these attempts by means of third states' decisions to ratify the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, a multilateral environmental agreement regulating genetically modified organisms that is promoted by the EU but opposed by the USA. Our findings confirm that both rivals are able to influence the ratification decision of states, but they also suggest that these effects may have different origins. Countries relying more heavily on US markets for food exports tend to be less likely to ratify the Cartagena Protocol, while countries that have applied for EU membership are more likely to ratify the protocol.
“…First, many studies analyze processes of negotiation that deal with global environmental issues, such as climate change, biodiversity, and the destruction of the ozone layer (e.g. Liftin 1994;Schreurs 2005). Second, the debates have no single analytical framework.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Most of the studies focus on developed countries (Barker et al 2001;Schreurs 2005). A few texts examine the role of developing countries in global environmental negotiations (Najam 2005) or multilateral schemes with the participation of at least one developed country (Uitto 2004).…”
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