Gendering the agenda: the impact of the transnational women's rights movement at the UN conferences of the 1990s

Friedman, Elisabeth Jay

doi:10.1016/s0277-5395(03)00077-3

Cited by 125 publications

(84 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…Caglar 2013 ;Friedman 2003). The case of the enclosure of social reproduction through the SDGs shows how ambivalent this final success story can turn out, because its valuation seems to be vaporized and reversed.…”

Section: The Quandary Of Appropriation and Possible Counter Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Marxist Perspectives on the Global Enclosures of Social Reproduction

Beier

2018

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Women's unpaid care and domestic work is gaining relevance in policy-making as well as in academia. Feminist scholars and activists have lobbied successfully for the integration of unpaid care and domestic work into the Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5.4) of the United Nations in the hope for greater recognition of women's contribution to the economy. Policy documents about social reproduction highlight women's disproportionate share of reproductive activities as an obstacle to women's economic empowerment and as a relic of 'traditional' gender roles. Social reproduction is thereby not understood as a merit in itself, but as an obstacle to women's participation in paid labour. Policy implications will enable certain empowerment effects for some women, but at the same time promote the increasing privatization and commodification of reproductive work across the globe. Rising inequalities between the Global North and South and between women along the categories of class and race will be one major result. To theoretically explain such contradictory effects of the recognition of social reproduction, I use the concept of 'enclosures' based on Marx' 'primitive accumulation'. Feminist scholars use the concept to explain how unpaid care and housework is commodified or de-commodified to integrate women into the paid labour force or to reduce the costs of social reproduction according to the needs of the economy. The sudden interest in unpaid care and domestic work e.g. in the Sustainable Development Goals can therefore be seen as process of double enclosure, which integrates women into the paid labour force, but also sets the grounds for the further commodification of domestic and care work. This paper aims to critically discuss the sudden interest in unpaid domestic and care work and its contradictory effects from a Marxist feminist perspective and reflects on feminist strategies and movements in global governance. After introducing Marxist perspectives on social reproduction, the question if and how feminist ideas and concepts have been appropriated, the effects and implications of global policies on social reproduction and global inequalities, as well as possible counter-strategies will be discussed. Acknowledgement: I want to thank Karin, my mother, who did all the reproductive work during her Christmas holidays while I was working on this article. I also want to thank my dear friends Deborah Sielert, Moritz Altenried, Bernardo Bianchi, Frank Engster and Martin Fries for their useful and encouraging comments, as well as Sarah Hönig and Dominik Arncken for their linguistic and other support. Special thanks go to Tove Soiland, who not only provided useful comments, but also inspired the entire article with her work and seminars on feminist perspectives on the concept of Landnahme (enclosure).

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Section: The Quandary Of Appropriation and Possible Counter Strategiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Marxist Perspectives on the Global Enclosures of Social Reproduction

Beier

2018

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“…Os esforços de ativistas dos direitos das mulheres se diferenciam de outros defensores de ONGs por constituírem um dos setores mais organizados das últimas décadas, onde, além de clamar atenção para seus problemas específicos, conseguiram integrar suas demandas em outras lutas, ocasionando o que Friedman (2003) chamou de "gendering the agenda" (p. 313), ou seja, colocando a questão de gênero de forma multidisciplinar na agenda internacional.…”

Section: [Tradução Livre])unclassified

“…Nomeado como "Sufragismo", o movimento teve suas bases principalmente na Inglaterra, militou para o direito do voto às mulheres e estava fortemente conectado aos interesses de mulheres brancas e europeias. Segundo Keck e Sikkink (1998 apud Elisabeth Jay FRIEDMAN, 2003), o movimento do sufrágio foi reforçado pelas reuniões internacionais e as comunicações entre ativistas ajudaram a propagação de ideias.…”

Section: Introdução Introdução Introdução Introdução Introduçãounclassified

Conflitos armados e a agenda internacional: a questão da mulher

Matuella

2017

Rev. Estud. Fem.

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Resumo: A violência contra a mulher é um debate antigo e possui reivindicações de mulheres, de forma organizada, há mais de um século. Porém, sua introdução como importante tema na agenda internacional foi recente e dependeu de um grande esforço de grupos de mulheres. Assim, esse artigo pretende analisar como os movimentos de mulheres, desde 1945, com a criação da Organização das Nações Unidas, influenciaram a incorporação da problemática da violência contra a mulher, principalmente em períodos de conflitos armados, pelo sistema internacional de proteção da pessoa humana, bem como a observância dessas diretrizes pelos Estados e Organizações Internacionais. O argumento aqui apresentado é que apenas a partir da década de 1990, com as Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) efetivadas e pela consideração dos Direitos das Mulheres como um Direito Humano fundamental, foi que a temática recebeu a valoração que merecia na agenda internacional. Esse impacto escoou também para o âmbito dos conflitos armados, onde as mulheres são as mais impactadas e vulnerabilizadas. Portanto, diversas normas foram criadas a fim de eliminar a violência de gênero, e conclui-se que a principal falha se mantém na inobservância dessas diretrizes, tanto a nível estatal como internacional.

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“…During the United Nations' Decade for Women (1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985), these networks gained increasing prominence through their participation in a series of global conferences in which one of the key topics of discussion was the various forms of violence confronting women in their respective countries (Ferree and Tripp 2006;Friedman 2003;Joachim 2007). At the regional level, the Latin American and Caribbean Feminist Network against Domestic and Sexual Violence (Sternbach et al 1992), was also instrumental in drawing attention to the issue of gender violence and pressuring local governments to take action.…”

Section: Gender-based Violence Law and Global Governancementioning

confidence: 99%