Gender Differences in the Decision to Run for School Board

Abstract

Proponents of the political pipeline theory argue that when more women fill the ranks of locally elected positions, the number of qualified female candidates will increase and more women will eventually be elected statewide and nationally. Given that women are elected at the school board level at higher rates than any other political office, do women run for school board in hopes of using it as a stepping stone for a larger career in politics? This article analyzes whether there are gender differences among school board members with respect to the reasons they run for office. Men are more likely than women to be motivated to run to shape education policy and for religious or moral reasons. However, relatively few school board members run with the express purpose of gaining political experience, regardless of gender.

Women’s Representation and the Gendered Pipeline to Power

“…By comparison, 11% and 14% of male representatives had backgrounds in education and law, respectively. 4 Deckman's (2007) survey of school board members finds that 21% of women are educators, compared with 12% and 11% who are executives and professionals, respectively. However, women teachers outnumber women lawyers in the workforce nine to one (U.S. Department of Labor 2017), and across samples of officeholders and candidates, the ratio of women teachers to lawyers does not come close to this margin.…”

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

“…Women and visible minorities are surprisingly few in number in elected municipal office in Canada's largest cities, and it is vital to learn whether candidate sociodemographics and voter bias play some role in this underrepresentation. 3 Equitable representation at this level also matters, as we know that municipal careers are often used as a springboard to higher office (Deckman, 2007; Our analysis contributes to a nascent body of research looking at the interactive effects of voter and candidate sex and ethnicity on voter choice in Canada and is the first to examine this in the context of a non-partisan municipal election in a non-experimental manner. Our findings suggest that in a meaningful and high-profile election, where information is abundant but party cues are less salient, 4 ethnic affinity plays an important role in voter choice.…”

Gender, Campaign Finance, and Electoral Success in Municipal Elections

“…Thus, one explanation for why women are underrepresented in Congress and statehouses is that few women are in the "political pipeline." In other words, they do not occupy local elected and appointed positions that prospective candidates for higher office frequently hold (Deckman, 2007).…”

“…Most of these studies, however, focus on women at the state and national level, leaving unanswered questions about the gendered dynamics of local elections. Although some studies have introduced us to the topic (Alozie & Manganaro, 1993; Deckman, 2007; Ingalls & Arrington, 1991; Karnig & Welch, 1979; MacManus & Bullock, 1989; Miller, 1986), we still have relatively little information about women's efforts to hold municipal office 1 . Given their smaller size, different policy contexts, and varying institutional structures (e.g., nonpartisan ballots) we might expect electoral patterns in cities to diverge significantly from their state and national counterparts.…”

“…Political resources gained at lower levels, such as experience, contacts, fund‐raising ability and name recognition, can help propel women in their legislative careers (Duerst‐Lahti, 1998; Mariani, 2008; Palmer & Simon, 2003). Thus, one explanation for why women are underrepresented in Congress and statehouses is that few women are in the “political pipeline.” In other words, they do not occupy local elected and appointed positions that prospective candidates for higher office frequently hold (Deckman, 2007).…”