Ingham of Arabia 2013
DOI: 10.1163/9789004256194_004
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From Phonological Variation to Grammatical Change: Depalatalisation of /č/ in Salti

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Cited by 4 publications
(2 citation statements)
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“…Third, given this account and its predictions, it follows that varieties outside the Peninsula which have more features of agreement or use dAgr must be, at some level, borrowing the usage from MSA. Herin & Al-Wer (2013) have observed that young speakers of Salti Arabic are abandoning their traditional agreement system in favor of an MSA-like system. Owens & Bani-Yasin (1987) also found interference from MSA in agreement, although in this study, they find it to be lexically based.…”
Section: Loss and Borrowing According Tomentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Third, given this account and its predictions, it follows that varieties outside the Peninsula which have more features of agreement or use dAgr must be, at some level, borrowing the usage from MSA. Herin & Al-Wer (2013) have observed that young speakers of Salti Arabic are abandoning their traditional agreement system in favor of an MSA-like system. Owens & Bani-Yasin (1987) also found interference from MSA in agreement, although in this study, they find it to be lexically based.…”
Section: Loss and Borrowing According Tomentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Alessa () examines another well‐known phonological feature in Arabic, affrication of dorsal stops. Arabic, in its most conservative form, only has one affricate, [ʤ], but many localized varieties have such affrication processes as /k/>[ʧ], either phonologically conditioned by adjacent high front vowels, as in traditional Jordanian dialects, e.g., that of Salt (Herin ; Herin & Al‐Wer ) and some Palestinian villages, or categorically in other parts of Palestine. Alessa tackles not only the affrication of the voiceless velar fricative /k/ (the result of which, unlike the Palestinian case, is often [ʦ], not [ʧ]) but also the affrication of /ɡ/ to [ʣ].…”
Section: State Of the Fieldmentioning
confidence: 99%