Abstract:In no other policy arena are party unity and national unity considered as critical as in security and foreign policy. Party unity on foreign policy is viewed as a national security strategy of particular importance in times of international crisis and uncertainty, or as an expression of party strategy and ideological considerations. Through an empirical study of programs, congresses, voters and ideology of the Swedish parties 1945^1993, we show that the presence or absence of tension in the international syste… Show more
“…More recently, however, research on foreign policy has suggested that foreign and security policy is indeed an important area of disagreement among political parties (see, e.g., Bjereld and Demker, 2000;Özkeçeci-Taner, 2005;Schuster and Maier, 2006;Devine, 2009;Kaarbo, 2012;Calossi et al, 2013;Clare, 2014;Verbeek and Zaslove, 2015;Pijovic, 2016;Chryssogelos, 2018;Hofmann, 2017). Because foreign policy, including military missions, can be salient to voters and influence voting behaviour (cf.…”
Section: Party-political Contestation Of Military Missionsmentioning
This paper contributes to current debates on the politicization of international politics by examining party-political contestation of peace and security missions. It is guided by two inter-related questions, (a) to what extent deployment decisions are contested amongst political parties and (b) what drives such contestation. We examine data from a new data set on parliamentary votes on deployment decisions in France, Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom and from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Against conventional wisdom and in an effort to address the often-overlooked role of political parties, we find that military deployments have been systematically contested amongst political parties across Europe. Further, we find that contestation is driven by the left/right axis, as opposed to newer cleavages captured here by the so-called gal/tan axis. We also find evidence that patterns of contestation depend on parties' positions in government or opposition, a factor we relate to bureaucratic and international pressures on the parties in office, and to political opportunities for opposition parties.
“…More recently, however, research on foreign policy has suggested that foreign and security policy is indeed an important area of disagreement among political parties (see, e.g., Bjereld and Demker, 2000;Özkeçeci-Taner, 2005;Schuster and Maier, 2006;Devine, 2009;Kaarbo, 2012;Calossi et al, 2013;Clare, 2014;Verbeek and Zaslove, 2015;Pijovic, 2016;Chryssogelos, 2018;Hofmann, 2017). Because foreign policy, including military missions, can be salient to voters and influence voting behaviour (cf.…”
Section: Party-political Contestation Of Military Missionsmentioning
This paper contributes to current debates on the politicization of international politics by examining party-political contestation of peace and security missions. It is guided by two inter-related questions, (a) to what extent deployment decisions are contested amongst political parties and (b) what drives such contestation. We examine data from a new data set on parliamentary votes on deployment decisions in France, Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom and from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Against conventional wisdom and in an effort to address the often-overlooked role of political parties, we find that military deployments have been systematically contested amongst political parties across Europe. Further, we find that contestation is driven by the left/right axis, as opposed to newer cleavages captured here by the so-called gal/tan axis. We also find evidence that patterns of contestation depend on parties' positions in government or opposition, a factor we relate to bureaucratic and international pressures on the parties in office, and to political opportunities for opposition parties.
“…Em contrapartida, a elevada quantidade de matérias de política externa aprovadas no governo Lugo indica o isolamento das questões internacionais da disputa política doméstica. A natureza distinta da política externa, com poucas matérias de cunho redistributivo, a elevada centralização decisória nas mãos da presidência (Insaurralde 2014), o baixo incentivo eleitoral para os membros do Legislativo (Canes-Wrone, Howell & Lewis 2008) e o efeito do compromisso internacional assinado pelo presidente ex-ante (Bjereld & Demker 2000) são elementos que contribuem para a delegação da condução dos assuntos exteriores do Legislativo ao Executivo.…”
Section: Iv2 Instituições E Política Externaunclassified
Resumo Introdução: O artigo avalia a associação entre fatores políticos e institucionais e a capacidade do presidente Lugo aprovar as suas iniciativas legislativas, desagregando a análise por temas de política doméstica e política externa. O objetivo é averiguar, no marco de um presidencialismo multipartidário, a hipótese da maior propensão do Congresso Nacional em aprovar as iniciativas presidenciais em política externa quando comparadas às de política doméstica. Materiais e Métodos: A análise empírica engloba a tramitação de todas as 839 iniciativas presidenciais realizadas entre 2008 e 2012, cujo objeto de investigação é a aprovação ou não da proposta. Resultados: Por meio de um modelo logístico, encontramos um presidente fortemente constrangido pelo Legislativo nos assuntos domésticos e outro presidente com amplas condições de aprovar a agenda de política externa. Ademais, constatamos que fatores políticos e econômicos como a aprovação popular do presidente, o desemprego e a inflação alteram a propensão da proposta legislativa presidencial ser aprovada no Legislativo. Discussão: A comprovação da tese dos dois presidentes em um presidencialismo multipartidário com baixa propensão institucional ao predomínio presidencial no processo legislativo demonstra a especificidade da política externa quando comparada à política doméstica.
“…The first, labelled 'bipartisanship' and the 'two presidencies' thesis, argues that the political dispute between domestic groups 'stops at the water's edge ' (McCormick and Wittkopf 1990). It holds that the anarchy generated by the international system produces incentives for political parties to adopt unified positions on the foreign policies pursued by executives, in contrast with their behaviour towards domestic politics (Bjereld and Demker 2000). Thus domestic politics are characterised by high levels of party polarisation and political disputes, and international politics by low levels of party polarisation as well as political consensus (King 1986).…”
Section: Legislative Support For Presidential Domestic and Foreign Pomentioning
Which factors determine legislative support for the foreign policy initiatives of Latin American presidents? How do political parties and politicians behave when dealing with presidential foreign policy? The issue of whether presidents exercise greater influence over foreign or domestic affairs has been extensively debated in recent years, and the evidence indicates that legislators do behave differently when dealing with foreign policy proposals. Building on this debate, we analyse legislative support for the foreign policies of 22 Latin-American presidents in eight countries from 1994 to 2014, using an original dataset in a quantile regression framework. We also use three selected cases to illustrate our evidence. Our findings are counter-intuitive and bring new elements into the debate about legislative behaviour towards foreign policy in presidential countries. Measures of a political party's ideology, the size of the governing coalition, and the effective number of parties (ENP) play important roles in levels of legislative support for presidential foreign policy agendas. Surprisingly, the popularity of presidents and the nature of their initiatives -high or low politics -do not affect these levels of support.
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