Engineering confederalism for Iraq

Khan, Shamsul; Kirmanj, Sherko

doi:10.1080/14608944.2015.1066322

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…20. Khan and Kirmanj (2015) recognize the importance of both factors, as they favor a confederal Iraq with non-majoritarian institutions at the center. 21.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Bogaards¹

2019

Ethnopolitics

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Scholars and practitioners tend to favor transitory power-sharing arrangements and liberal forms of consociationalism. Iraq's constitution of 2005 has both, but the country has been in turmoil ever since. This article argues that Iraq's political problems can be traced, in part, to the combination of temporary and liberal consociationalism, what is called here consociationalism 'light'. The lack of durable national power sharing, the preoccupation with self-rule at the expense of shared rule, and the invention of 'fluid federalism' left post-Saddam Iraq ill-prepared for the challenges to come. What many see as the advantages of consociationalism 'light', its flexibility and open-ended nature, turned out to be important drawbacks. The case of Iraq therefore has implications for the debate about institutional design in other divided societies.

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“…20. Khan and Kirmanj (2015) recognize the importance of both factors, as they favor a confederal Iraq with non-majoritarian institutions at the center. 21.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Bogaards¹

2019

Ethnopolitics

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“…It is presently generally acknowledged that the post-intrusion policy of de-Ba'athification, as practiced, had various unintended outcomes that made building Iraqi civil society particularly troublesome after the U.S.-led invasion (Kirmanj, 2013). The U.S. approach to deal with this strategy is frequently evaluated as having great oversight by underestimating the threats of increased sectarianism in Iraq and the requirement for efficacious endeavors to oversee ethno-partisan divisions (Khan, & Kirmanj, 2015). The Iraqi government's strategy in dealing with de-Ba'athification was, in any case, considerably more dangerous because of its one-sidedness and partisan nature (Mikail, 2014).…”

Section: Ethno-sectarian Division and The Predicaments Of National Inmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethno-Sectarian Division and the Predicaments of National Integration in Plural Societies

Qader

Masum

Rahaman

et al. 2016

JBSEE

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Objective: The purpose of this paper is to examine the problem of sectarianism in Nigeria and Iraq, as both countries provide typical examples of ethno-sectarian divided societies characterized by huge contrasts in social norms and religious values among the citizens. Methodology: Adopting content analysis, the current paper argues that ethno-sectarianism negatively affects political process in both countries which invariably undermines their effort toward national integration. The paper seeks to answer the following question: will restructuring the Nigerian and Iraqi federal relations contribute to resolving sectarian tensions? First, the paper examines the sources of sectarianism in both countries. The paper therefore examines how ethno-sectarianism shaped and molds the polity of both countries, where ethnic and religious values play major role in determining citizen's reaction to political phenomenon Results: Coordination mechanisms such as framework legislation and dispute resolution committees are also necessary to ensure that the transition to viable federalism occurs with minimal encumbrance. To respect the complex and diverse identities of nations, safeguards need to be established to protect the rights of sub-federal nations. For example, the political future of Iraq and Nigeria is not a return to failed approaches of division, but rather the construction of a viable modern federal state that promotes unity, political compromise, and consensus building. Implication: This paper therefore posits that there is a need for deep mental changes and social adjustment among the citizens of both countries where attributes such as tolerance, dignity of human persons and above all patriotism must be re-defined and this requires collaboration between political leaders, community leaders and religious bodies as the problem is societal bound.

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“…Many analysts of Iraqi politics and society have offered explicative frameworks for making sense of the political crises and the rise of violence following the end of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorial rule (Dodge, 2005; Marr, 2012; O'Leary, 2009). One of the most widely shared and perennial of these narratives is that ethno‐sectarian divisions in society are a primary cause of the current conflicts (Khan & Kirmanj, 2015; O'Leary, 2009; Saouli, 2009). According to this narrative, Iraqi society is cursed by a historic rift between three main communities (Sunni, Shiites, and Kurds), which rules out the possibility of building a unified nation‐state (Dawisha, 2009).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From British mandate to post Anglo‐American invasion: Reproduction of ethno‐sectarian divides and the breakdown of social cohesion in Mosul

Özekin

2020

Digest Mid East Studies

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The invasion of Iraq in 2003 ushered in an era of great uncertainty and turbulence that left the country in an economically crippled, politically unstable, and socially desperate situation. While the built-in ethno-sectarian divides have been widely used as analytical categories to address the enduring violence in both Mosul and the rest of Iraq, little attention has been paid to the connection between the long-term Anglo-American invasion of Iraq and the ethnosectarian violence that currently characterizes Mosul. This study argues that while ethnic and sectarian loyalties have historically persisted in their social forms since the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the highly politicized and violent forms of ethno-sectarian conflict are modern phenomena, produced and reproduced under the conditions of the decades-long British and American interventions. The study retrospectively evaluates the current dynamics of ethnosectarian confrontations in Mosul through two stages in the long historiography of modern Iraq. The first section reveals how Britain's mismanagement of colonial Iraq set the initial conditions for communal cleavages and instability in today's Mosul. Later, the second section turns its attention toward the contemporary manifestation of ethno-sectarian violence, particularly under the U.S.-led occupation. K E Y W O R D S ethno-sectarian conflict, Iraq, Mosul | 7 ÖZEKIN

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Engineering confederalism for Iraq

Cited by 5 publications

References 13 publications

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Ethno-Sectarian Division and the Predicaments of National Integration in Plural Societies

From British mandate to post Anglo‐American invasion: Reproduction of ethno‐sectarian divides and the breakdown of social cohesion in Mosul

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