Dominance effects as transderivational anti-faithfulness

Alderete, John

doi:10.1017/s0952675701004067

Cited by 150 publications

(76 citation statements)

References 84 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…In the lexical stress system of Russian (Halle 1973;Halle and Vergnaud 1987a;Melvold 1989;Idsardi 1992;Brown et al 1996;Revithiadou 1999;Alderete 1999Alderete , 2001Chew 2000;Crosswhite et al 2003), words can follow one of three major patterns: fixed, final, and mobile. The mobile pattern can be further subdivided into subtypes, but the number of words in each category is quite small (Zaliznjak 1977(Zaliznjak , 1985.…”

Section: Lexical Stress In Russianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gouskova¹,

Roon

2013

Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Russian normally does not have secondary stress, but it is variably realized in compounds. We examined the factors that contribute to secondary stress realization in a rating study, where listeners were asked to rate compounds pronounced without secondary stress and with secondary stress in various locations. We refine some generalizations from impressionistic descriptions: in compounds whose left-hand stems have mobile lexical stress, acceptability of secondary stress decreases with token frequency of the compound, and acceptability of pronunciations without stress increases with frequency. Ratings improve as distance between stresses increases, and this effect is gradient rather than categorical. We also identify new generalizations about secondary stress that relates to the properties of the left-hand stem. First, we identify a faithfulness effect: stress realization is optional on lexically stressed stems, but stress movement is strongly penalized. Second, we identify a sonority sequencing effect: secondary stress is not tolerated well on linker vowels in compounds, but acceptability improves significantly when the linker is the only vowel in a stem with a falling sonority cluster. Thus, the stress system distinguishes clusters with falling sonority from other types.

show abstract

Section: Lexical Stress In Russianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gouskova¹,

Roon

2013

Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Furthermore, carefully argued analyses have been worked out for virtually all of these process types, including (Bat-El, 2002) and (Horwood, 2001) on subtractive morphology, (Alderete, 2001b) and (Frazier, 2006) on feature deletion in accentual systems, (Alderete, 2001a) for segmental exchanges, (Mortensen, 2002), (Lubowicz, 2003), and (Alderete, 2008) on more complex chains, and (Alderete, 2001a) and (Crosswhite et al, 2003) for accentual shifts and spreading of tone. Alternatives to these analyses have been investigated, as for example (Oostendorp, 2005) on the Limburg Dutch tone mutation, but there has yet to be such a clear characterization of the range of operations available in PBM as that predicted by the faithfulness/antifaithfulness homology.…”

Section: The Role Of Universal Grammarmentioning

confidence: 99%

Using learnability as a filter on factorial typology: A new approach to Anderson and Browne's generalization

Alderete

2008

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article investigates the learnability filter (LF) hypothesis, according to which the set of logically possible grammars predicted by linguistic theory is reduced to a proper subset of learnable grammars by external principles of language learning. Antifaithfulness constraints (Alderete, 2001a) provide a linguistic theory that predicts the existence of circular chain shifts of two segment types, including purely phonological exchanges that are unattested cross-linguistically (Anderson and Browne, 1973). Overt data representing such systems are fed into a standard OT learning model in which learners have IOantifaithfulness constraints at their disposal. Despite this evidence and these constraints, learners always select grammars in which segmental exchanges are restricted to morphologically defined environments, consistent with typological findings. These results are shown to have implications for the nature of constraints in Optimality Theory, the correct analysis of morpho-phonological alternations, and a host of representational assumptions in phonology and morphology. #

show abstract

“…Kiparsky 2000Kiparsky , 2003aKiparsky , b, 2007Kiparsky , 2008 o Indexed Constraint Theory (e.g. McCarthy and Prince 1995, Smith 1997, Kiparsky 2000, 2003a, b, Itô and Mester 1999, Alderete 2001, Pater 2000.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Morphology-Phonology Connection

Inkelas¹

2008

BLS

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Introduction• Morphology: generalizations about form and meaning that relate words to one another within a language • Phonology: generalizations about the sound patterns in that language • The statement of many morphological generalizations includes information about sound patterns (realizational morphology); the statement of many phonological generalizations includes information about morphology (morphologically conditioned phonology), blurring the distinction between morphology and phonology in many situations.• Three approaches relevant to this aspect of morphology-phonology interface:

show abstract

Dominance effects as transderivational anti-faithfulness

Cited by 150 publications

References 84 publications

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Using learnability as a filter on factorial typology: A new approach to Anderson and Browne's generalization

The Morphology-Phonology Connection

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About