Using learnability as a filter on factorial typology: A new approach to Anderson and Browne's generalization

Abstract

This article investigates the learnability filter (LF) hypothesis, according to which the set of logically possible grammars predicted by linguistic theory is reduced to a proper subset of learnable grammars by external principles of language learning. Antifaithfulness constraints (Alderete, 2001a) provide a linguistic theory that predicts the existence of circular chain shifts of two segment types, including purely phonological exchanges that are unattested cross-linguistically (Anderson and Browne, 1973). Overt data representing such systems are fed into a standard OT learning model in which learners have IOantifaithfulness constraints at their disposal. Despite this evidence and these constraints, learners always select grammars in which segmental exchanges are restricted to morphologically defined environments, consistent with typological findings. These results are shown to have implications for the nature of constraints in Optimality Theory, the correct analysis of morpho-phonological alternations, and a host of representational assumptions in phonology and morphology. #

Vowel reduction in Russian: No phonetics in phonology

“…Second, as emphasized by Reiss (2007), some languages which the computational system predicts to be possible may be unlearnable. One possible reason is that the ambient data produced by the relevant grammar are indistinguishable (in the relevant respects) from those which lead the acquisition device to always converge on a different mental grammar: for concrete implementation of similar ideas, see Alderete (2008), Heinz (2009).…”

Idempotency in Optimality Theory

“…Some approaches trade some of the assumptions of (classical) OT, reviewed in Section 3.2. Such approaches include sympathy theory (McCarthy 1999), output–output correspondence (Burzio 1998, Benua 2000), targeted constraints (Wilson 2001), turbidity (Goldrick 2001), anti-faithfulness constraints (Alderete 2001, 2008), comparative markedness (McCarthy 2003a), candidate chains (McCarthy 2007), stratal OT (Bermúdez-Otero 2007), and contrast preservation constraints (Łubowicz 2012). Other OT approaches to chain shifts are instead framed squarely within the classical architecture.…”

“…Some approaches trade some of the assumptions of (classical) OT, reviewed in Section 3.2. Such approaches include sympathy theory (McCarthy 1999), output-output correspondence (Burzio 1998, Benua 2000, targeted constraints (Wilson 2001), turbidity (Goldrick 2001), anti-faithfulness constraints (Alderete 2001(Alderete , 2008, comparative markedness (McCarthy 2003a), candidate [19] The situation is rather different for the disjunction of a faithfulness and a markedness constraint.…”

The competition between syntax and rhythm in iGeneration Taiwanese

“…(cf. also Chen 1987, 2000, Hsieh 2005, Barrie 2006, Alderete 2008, Thomas 2008, Hsiao 1991, 1995, 2015, among others, for further discussions of the chain shifts).…”