Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Gouskova, Maria; Roon, Kevin D.

doi:10.1515/lp-2013-0013

Cited by 10 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 64 publications

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Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 99%

“…The present findings do not align with the results of previous empirical research investigating the division of the Russian lexicon into different stem types, conducted by Gouskova & Roon (2013) and Mołczanow et al (2013). Gouskova & Roon ran a rating study of secondary stress in compounds, which revealed a difference between stems with fixed stress and those with non-fixed stress.…”

Section: Accented and Unaccented Stem Typescontrasting

confidence: 99%

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Default stress assignment in Russian: evidence from acquired surface dyslexia

et al. 2019

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This paper re-examines theoretical constructs used in the analysis of Russian word stress, employing data from speakers with acquired surface dyslexia, a symptom which is characterised by impaired lexical access and preserved grapheme–phoneme correspondence rules. Russian stems have been traditionally analysed as lexically accented or unaccented, with a default rule deriving surface stress in the latter case. In the study reported here, we found no differences in the production of accented and unaccented stems. Instead, the analysis of errors revealed that the significant factors determining stress placement include stress neighbourhood and stress position. The speakers produced fewer errors in consistently spelled words, and there was a strong tendency to shift stress to the final syllable in consonant-final words, and to the penultimate syllable in vowel-final words. These results indicate that distributional properties play an important role in stress assignment in both accented and unaccented stem types.

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Section: Discussioncontrasting

confidence: 99%

Section: Accented and Unaccented Stem Typescontrasting

confidence: 99%

Default stress assignment in Russian: evidence from acquired surface dyslexia

et al. 2019

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“…It is very common for phonotactic constraints to apply differently to words with one root versus compounds-words with more than one root. Thus, in Russian (Gouskova and Roon 2013) and Polish (Newlin-Łukowicz 2012), as well as many other languages, there is one stress per phonological word regardless of length unless that word is a compound, in which case a weaker, secondary stress appears on the left-hand stem of the compound.…”

Section: Domain-sensitive Phonotactic Generalizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphology and Phonotactics

Gouskova¹

2018

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics

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Phonotactics is the study of restrictions on possible sound sequences in a language. In any language, some phonotactic constraints can be stated without reference to morphology, but many of the more nuanced phonotactic generalizations do make use of morphosyntactic and lexical information. At the most basic level, many languages mark edges of words in some phonological way. Different phonotactic constraints hold of sounds that belong to the same morpheme as opposed to sounds that are separated by a morpheme boundary. Different phonotactic constraints may apply to morphemes of different types (such as roots versus affixes). There are also correlations between phonotactic shapes and following certain morphosyntactic and phonological rules, which may correlate to syntactic category, declension class, or etymological origins. Approaches to the interaction between phonotactics and morphology address two questions: (1) how to account for rules that are sensitive to morpheme boundaries and structure and (2) determining the status of phonotactic constraints associated with only some morphemes. Theories differ as to how much morphological information phonology is allowed to access. In some theories of phonology, any reference to the specific identities or subclasses of morphemes would exclude a rule from the domain of phonology proper. These rules are either part of the morphology or are not given the status of a rule at all. Other theories allow the phonological grammar to refer to detailed morphological and lexical information. Depending on the theory, phonotactic differences between morphemes may receive direct explanations or be seen as the residue of historical change and not something that constitutes grammatical knowledge in the speaker’s mind.

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“…The effects are found independently in lemmata of two, three, and four syllables and are argued not to be confounded by vowel qualities, yers, or palatals. Beyond onset complexity, Gouskova and Roon (2013) find that the quality of segments in complex onsets affects the distribution of secondary stress in Russian compounds (e.g. falling-sonority ld is more stress-attracting than rising-sonority zl; the extent to which these differences correlate with duration or p-center differences remains to be explored).…”

Section: 2mentioning

confidence: 99%

Onsets contribute to syllable weight: Statistical evidence from stress and meter

Ryan¹

2014

lan

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While some accounts of syllable weight deny a role for onsets, onset-sensitive weight criteria have received renewed attention in recent years (e.g. Gordon 2005, Topintzi 2010). This article presents new evidence supporting onsets as factors in weight. First, in complex stress systems such as those of English and Russian, onset length is a significant attractor of stress both in the lexicon and in nonce probes. This effect is highly systematic and unlikely, it is argued, to be driven by analogy alone. Second, in flexible quantitative meters (e.g. in Sanskrit), poets preferentially align longer onsets with heavier metrical positions, all else being equal. A theory of syllable weight is proposed in which the domain of weight begins not with the rime but with the p-center (perceptual center) of the syllable, which is perturbed by properties of the onset. While onset effects are apparently universal in gradient weight systems, they are weak enough to be usually eclipsed by the structure of the rime under categorization. This proposal therefore motivates both the existence of onset weight effects and the subordination of the onset to the rime with respect to weight.*

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Gradient clash, faithfulness, and sonority sequencing effects in Russian compound stress

Cited by 10 publications

References 64 publications

Default stress assignment in Russian: evidence from acquired surface dyslexia

Default stress assignment in Russian: evidence from acquired surface dyslexia

Morphology and Phonotactics

Onsets contribute to syllable weight: Statistical evidence from stress and meter

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