Do MPs have the ‘Right Stuff’?

Johnson, Catherine; Rosenblatt, Gemma

doi:10.1093/pa/gsl055

Cited by 28 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…In common with more conventional survey evidence therefore we show that British voters seem to like rebellious MPs (Johnson and Rosenblatt 2007). Moreover, we reveal no obvious metric effects in terms of how rebellions were described, when they were described in terms of their rebelliousness.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 83%

“…1 Moreover, whereas high levels of party cohesion have traditionally been seen as a fundamental part of the 'Westminster model', party discipline has begun to weaken in recent decades at Westminster, with MPs becoming increasingly willing to vote against the party line (Norton 1975(Norton , 1980, with a noticeable rise in the last decade (Cowley 2005;Cowley and Stuart 2014). There is also evidence that the public are increasingly placing more of an emphasis on independence, valuing that above loyalty in the characteristics they say they desire from their representatives (Johnson and Rosenblatt 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Rebellion Versus Loyalty, Shirking Versus Working: A Note on Framing Parliamentary Behaviour

Campbell¹,

Cowley²

2014

Representation

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In this research note we utilise online survey experiments to test framing effects on evaluations of elected politicians' behaviour. We find that responses to descriptions of hypothetical British Members of Parliaments' behaviour are influenced by negativity bias; logically equivalent behaviours have variable impacts on evaluations depending on their presentation. In an era of open data, where institutions are increasingly packaging up information about representatives for citizens' consumption, these findings are a reminder that seemingly neutral variations in presentation may alter public reactions.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 83%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rebellion Versus Loyalty, Shirking Versus Working: A Note on Framing Parliamentary Behaviour

Campbell¹,

Cowley²

2014

Representation

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“…Yet surveys have consistently found ‘localness’ to be one of the main criteria voters say they want in an election candidate. In each of five surveys between 1983 and 2005, voters ranked ‘to be from the local area’ or ‘to have been brought up in the area he or she represents’ (the precise question wording differed from survey to survey) as either the most important or the second most important characteristic that they were looking for in their MP (Johnson and Rosenblatt, 2007). More recent polling shows that the preference for the local trumps sex in voters' priorities, even among women.…”

Section: The Local Dimensionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Local Presence: Is there a Case for Descriptive Representation?

Childs

Cowley

2011

Political Studies

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The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has become widely, though not wholly, accepted in much of the academic literature and in the ‘real world’ of politics in most advanced democracies. In the UK the goal of greater descriptive representation of women has often become framed as a zero‐sum game against men, especially local men, with consequences for the descriptive representation of women. This article examines whether claims made for the descriptive representation of women and black candidates can and should apply to local candidates, whatever their sex or race. It draws a distinction between the representation of a territory (common to most representative systems) and the representation of a territory by someone from that territory, a similar distinction to the difference common in the gender and politics literature between the representation of women by an elected representative and the representation of women by women representatives. The article also distinguishes between a hard and a soft form of this argument. The latter applies to almost every constituency in the UK, but it is a claim not based on arguments for the presence of the disadvantaged. However, the case for a local candidate to represent a more disadvantaged constituency, the harder form of the argument, can be made on almost all of the criteria applied to other excluded groups identified in the politics of presence literature.

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“…Rebellious MPs can build up a local reputation as an independent and active representative in Parliament. Voters may be inclined to reward such representatives simply because they see independence from party control as a positive attribute in itself (Johnson & Rosenblatt 2007; Kam 2009: 106). In sum, MP voting behaviour may affect electoral outcomes through its impact on name recognition and non‐policy personal reputation.…”

Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do voters reward rebellion? The electoral accountability of MPs in Britain

Vivyan

Wagner

2011

European J Political Res

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Do MPs have the ‘Right Stuff’?

Cited by 28 publications

References 0 publications

Rebellion Versus Loyalty, Shirking Versus Working: A Note on Framing Parliamentary Behaviour

Rebellion Versus Loyalty, Shirking Versus Working: A Note on Framing Parliamentary Behaviour

The Politics of Local Presence: Is there a Case for Descriptive Representation?

Do voters reward rebellion? The electoral accountability of MPs in Britain

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