Do Culture and Institutions Matter? Explaining the Sources of Cross‐National Regime Support

Peralta, J. Salvador

doi:10.1111/polp.12024

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 59 publications

(93 reference statements)

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“…Political trust is the ‘ sine qua non of good governance’ (Blind, 2007: 9), and for this reason, ‘generating and maintaining political support remains one of the most important tasks confronting both established and emerging democracies around the world’ (Peralta, 2013: 480). Decades of empirical research focused on how much trust societies need.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 The problem with this approach vis-à-vis trust is that the researcher still assumes that a given single question or set of question denotes either a specific or diffuse form of trust. Thus, even when the trust questions are used in combination with other questions about democracy, some scholars use the trust questions as indicators of a specific evaluation (Norris, 2011; Peralta, 2013), whereas others use them as indicators of diffuse support (Denk et al, 2015).…”

Section: Political Trust: Theoretical Debate and An Empirical Challengementioning

confidence: 99%

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Finding critical trusters: A response pattern model of political trust

Wilkes

2018

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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How can declining political trust in Western democracies be explained, especially, when it remains stable and high in authoritarian societies? Underlying this question is a debate about whether political trust represents a diffuse orientation toward the political system as a whole or a specific assessment of incumbent performance. This article argues that the solution requires a move away from existing approaches that focus on question content and instead thinking about the pattern of responses. While previous work assumes that individuals display both specific and diffuse trust, we argue that the individual patterning of responses indicates either diffuse or specific trust but not both. We develop a response pattern model and use it to identify three types of individuals – critical trusters (specific trust), compliants (diffuse trust), and cynics (diffuse distrust). Tests of the model with the World Values Survey (WVS) and the US General Social Survey (GSS) show that democracies have a higher proportion of critical trusters than other systems of government and that the proportion of critical trusters has increased over time in the United States. The response pattern model directly connects cross-national and longitudinal empirical evidence to theory about the relationship between democracy and different types of trust.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Political Trust: Theoretical Debate and An Empirical Challengementioning

confidence: 99%

Finding critical trusters: A response pattern model of political trust

Wilkes

2018

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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“…Por eso se ha adoptado como indicador para medir esta variable la cantidad de años pasados en democracia, a partir de los datos del proyecto polity iv, y utilizando tres niveles de experiencia democrática: alta, media, baja. El siglo xx sirve de punto de referencia y los años computados lo son independientemente de si hubo o no interrupción democrática, debido a que, como se trata de una institución informal (Peralta, 2013), el aprendizaje y la construcción de la cultura y práctica democráticas no se desconstruyen sino después de muchos años de interrupción. Fue así que la calibración se realizó como sigue:…”

Section: La Variable Dependiente Resultsunclassified

Partidos políticos y movimientos sociales en América Latina (2011-2016)

Albala

2020

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Resumen Este trabajo procura contestar a la pregunta acerca de cuáles son las condiciones para el desapego entre movimientos sociales y representación política en América Latina. Mediante el estudio de ocho casos, y recurriendo al método configuracional Qualitative Comparative Analysis (qca), se elaboran y testean cuatro hipótesis, con lo que se evidencia la relevancia de condiciones como la presencia del Estado y la identificación de las ofertas políticas como condiciones de la autonomización de los movimientos sociales vis-à-vis de los partidos políticos.

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“…Then, the second part of the relationship is on the interactions between culture and institutions Hodgson, 2021;Guiso et al, 2015;Owes et al, 2017;Spranz et al, 2012;Peralta & Georgia, 2013). These two variables persist over time on development and entrepreneurship.…”

Section: 5disease Prevalence Institutions and Entrepreneurshipmentioning

confidence: 99%