Da polícia à política: explicando o perfil dos candidatos das Forças Repressivas de Estado à Câmara dos Deputados

Abstract

Resumo Este artigo investiga o perfil social e a preferência partidária dos integrantes das Forças Repressivas do Estado que se lançaram na política institucional nas duas últimas décadas no Brasil. Por meio de estatística descritiva, ressaltamos as especificidades de integrantes das Forças Policiais e Militares que se candidataram a deputado federal. Achados desta pesquisa mostraram mudanças bruscas, de uma eleição a outra, entre os tipos de partidos nos quais essas candidaturas mais se concentraram. Se a passagem da polícia à política era feita, nos anos 1990, via grandes partidos de direita, nos anos 2010 ela se dá por meio de pequenos partidos sem identidade ideológica muito clara (“partidos fisiológicos”). Além do impedimento constitucional de militares filiarem-se a partidos políticos, a ausência de preferência sistemática por um tipo de agremiação partidária pode ser o efeito de um comportamento estratégico, já que obter um lugar na lista desses pequenos partidos não é apenas mais simples, mas há mais abertura a discursos personalistas, tais como os sustentados por esses candidatos-policiais. Esse comportamento também está relacionado à sua visão negativa da política tradicional e dos políticos estabelecidos nos grandes partidos e à crítica a programas com apelos ideológicos muito genéricos. Esses candidatos preferem representar agendas determinadas, como as demandas de suas próprias corporações.

The new corruption crusaders: Security sector ties as an anti-corruption voting heuristic

“…However, it is not clear whether security sector candidates would be able to capitalize on corruption scandals targeting right-wing politicians in the same way that they have in scandals targeting center-and left-wing candidates, such as Lava Jato. We hypothesize that candidates from the police and military should be able to benefit from scandals that target rightwing politicians because, before Lava Jato, these candidates were not mostly affiliated with rightwing parties as one might expect; instead, most of them were affiliated with center parties with no clear ideology (Berlatto et al 2016). Future studies could further enhance our understanding of occupations as voting heuristics by testing the effects of candidates' occupations in contexts where recent corruption scandals disproportionately targeted right-wing politicians.…”

“…In the aftermath of Lava Jato, police officers and candidates with military backgrounds were elected in higher numbers when compared to previous years (Gelape et al 2018). Berlatto et al (2016) note that, in addition to increasing in number, there seemed to be a qualitative shift in their identity, with police and military candidates running with smaller, ideologically ambiguous parties, as opposed to the large right-wing parties they had traditionally attached themselves to. However, police and military candidates remain ideologically heterogeneous, with many running with left-wing parties.…”

The bullet caucus: from the national congress to social media

“…In Brazil, many have reflected on the recent democratic crisis and sought to determine its main vectors. Santos (2017), for example, indicates that there is a process of "oligarchyzation" of liberal democracies around the world, restricting the space of popular will and, thus, lowering the scope of representation. More recently, with the street protests against Dilma Rousseff and the election of Jair Bolsonaro, some have Although the phenomena brought up here are interconnected and mutually reinforcing, the focus of this text is the analysis of a series of discourses (Foucault 1996) that are not exactly about the same topic as in the study of the so-called new right, or even in the broader debate on the crisis of democracy.…”

“…Despite the definitional difficulties, which make it difficult to create an objective list with the members of the bullet caucus, we believe that its emergence and consolidation can help shed light on important aspects of the role of violence in the production of a certain notion of order in contemporary Brazil. The solutions to definitional difficulties are diverse, ranging from an increased focus on the professional origins of representatives, such as authors who work only with parliamentarians from the repressive forces of the State (Berlatto et al 2016), to the use of lists published by mass media. 13 Recognizing that the definitions here have more of an operational role rather than an objective understanding of reality -and having more of an interest in analyzing discourses than in conducting a precise sociology of the actors who enunciate them -, we decided to use the list of congresspeople in the bullet caucus organized by the Inter-Union Department of Parliamentary Assistance (DIAP).…”

'Mais bala pela vida': o discurso punitivo da bancada da bala sobre o controle do crime e a resolução dos problemas criminais no Brasil

“…As disputas que ocorreram entre os parlamentares não necessariamente respeitaram agremiações de classe como esquerda, centro ou direita(BERLATTO;CODATO; BOLOGNESI, 2016) . 70% dos senadores e 60% dos deputados não se posicionaram durante a campanha do referendo.…”