Cuban Émigrés and the American Dream

Abstract

According to Samuel Huntington, Latin Americans are eroding our country's core Anglo-Protestant values. The values, says he, made America great, unified the country, and allowed immigrant upward mobility through assimilation and acculturation. Huntington expresses concern that immigrants from Latin America, now our main newcomers, along with their U.S.-born progeny, are creating another America, culturally and socially distinct. The reason for this, he claims, is that they settle in close proximity to one another; they retain use of their mother tongue, Spanish; and they remain, in the main, committed Catholics. These conditions purportedly are bad both for America and for the immigrants. They impede new immigrant ability to live the American Dream and, by implication, America's continued global economic preeminence.Susan Eckstein is Professor of Sociology at Boston University (seckstei@bu.edu). Thanks to the Radcliffe Institute and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundations for financial support for the project on which this article draws, and to Richard Alba and Jorge Domínguez for comments on an earlier version of this essay. The author is also appreciative of the hundreds of Cuban Americans with whom she spoke who have deepened her understanding of Cuban American experiences. She has spoken with ordinary Cuban Americans who emigrated at different points in time, as well as with businessmen, politicians, clergy, leaders of diverse groups and organizations, scholars, and journalists.

Do Social Ties Encourage Immigrant Voters to Participate in Other Campaign Activities?

“…Race is broken into indicator variables for whites, blacks, and Hispanics to account for interethnic differences in political behavior (Bishin and Klofstad, ). The omitted racial categories were Haitian and “other.” We also account for whether the respondent is of Cuban heritage, as Cuban Americans are a plurality of our immigrant sample, tend to be more Republican, and many have higher incomes and levels of education than other immigrant groups (Eckstein, ). This is especially the case among Cuban‐American voters, who are more incorporated into the American political system than Cuban‐American nonvoters (Bishin and Klofstad, ).…”

“…Consequently, they have incorporated into American politics more quickly than other immigrant groups. In contrast, more recent Cuban immigrants, who are typically economic refugees, have incorporated into American politics more slowly (Eckstein, 2006;Portes and Mozo, 1985;Bishin and Klofstad, 2009).…”

“…Understanding immigrant political incorporation—the manner and speed with which immigrants become politically active in their new country of residence—is essential to understanding contemporary American politics. In response, research on immigrant political incorporation has examined a wide variety of ethnic groups (Junn, ), historical periods (Erie, ), generational differences (DeSipio, ), sociopolitical contexts to which immigrants arrive (Eckstein, ), and the conditions from which émigrés leave (Portes and Mozo, ).…”

“…Émigrés’ experiences in their home countries also affect how they participate in American politics (Eckstein, ). Political participation is habit forming (Fowler, ; Gerber, Green, and Shachar, ; Plutzer, ), such that immigrants who were politically active in their home countries are more likely to participate in the United States (Eckstein, ). An example germane to our case of Miami‐Dade is Cuban Americans.…”

The mental health and psychosocial adjustment of Cuban immigrants in south Florida

“…Sociopolitical and sociodemographic factors differentiate waves of Cuban migration to the U.S. (Aguirre, 1994; Bach et al, 1982; Eckstein, 2006; Gonzalez et al, 2005; Pedraza, 1995; Portes & Stepick, 1993; Rothe & Pumariega, 2008). The health and adjustment implications of these factors may be far-reaching (e.g., Aguirre et al 1994; Eaton & Garrison 1992; Fernandez, 2007).…”