Class Imagery and Subjective Social Location During Iceland’s Economic Crisis, 2008–2010

Oddsson, Guðmundur

doi:10.1080/00380237.2017.1341251

Cited by 18 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…The steep rise in income inequality in Iceland in the decade leading up to the Great Recession of 2008 was the result of a neoliberal fiscal policy, but its decrease was due to the concurrent impact of income loss among top earners and government tax and welfare policy aimed at protecting low‐income groups (Olafsson & Kristjansson, ). Interestingly, despite the recession, Icelanders seem to have viewed the society to become more egalitarian and an upward shift in own subjective social location (Oddsson, ). Thus, Icelanders may have experienced an increase in social cohesion facilitated by the shared adversity of the economic crisis (Bernburg, , ), which in turn may contextualize the link between income inequality and emotional problems.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems: A population‐based study

Vilhjalmsdottir

Bernburg

Garðarsdóttir

et al. 2018

Journal Community Psychology

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This study contributes to the limited knowledge on the association between community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems, and explores whether these associations are contingent on national income inequality and personal deprivation. We obtained multilevel data from 10,223 adolescents (aged 15-16 years) nested within 82 communities in Iceland, at two time points: (a) in 2006 when income inequality was high and (b) in 2014 when income inequality had decreased. The associations are contingent on time period. Community income inequality was related to (a) an increase in anxiety in 2006 (b = 0.337, p ≤ 0.05), but not in 2014, and (b) a decrease in depression in 2014 (−0.958, p ≤ 0.05), but not in 2006.In 2006, community income inequality was more harmful to adolescents in deprived households. The results support the notion that the detrimental link between income inequality and adolescents' emotional problems may be shaped by the level of income inequality in the larger societal context.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems: A population‐based study

Vilhjalmsdottir

Bernburg

Garðarsdóttir

et al. 2018

Journal Community Psychology

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“…However, due to a tendency across societies to locate oneself in the middle of the social hierarchy (Evans & Kelley, 2004;Hout, 2008), objective and subjective status often do not converge. Several studies have attempted to explain this divergence (Andersen & Curtis, 2012;Lamont, 1992;Lindemann & Saar, 2014;Oddsson, 2018) and its consequences in fields such as health (Adler et al, 2000) and political preferences (Sosnaud, Brady, & Frenk, 2013;Zhang, 2008). We move this literature forward by incorporating a discussion and empirical examination of the effects of status inconsistency on omnivorousness.…”

Section: Implications Of Status Inconsistencymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First, SSS is a more open subjective positioning criterion because it does not exclude other factors relevant to demarking group boundaries and hierarchizing (Karlsson, 2017). Second, class identity measurements could suffer from bias due to their highly political content (Oddsson, 2018). Third, the debate around the appropriateness of using classes as categories of analysis could invalidate the theoretical pertinence of the subjective beliefs about social position.…”

Section: Implications Of Status Inconsistencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural omnivorousness and status inconsistency in Chile: the role of objective and subjective social status

Olivos¹,

Wang²

2020

Preprint

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Sociological research has long shown that cultural participation is socially stratified. We build on this literature to discuss the role of the subjective and objective dimensions of stratification, and how they are linked to practices of social distinction through cultural consumption. The aim of this study is to understand (1) the effect of subjective and objective social status on patterns of cultural participation, and (2) the implications of the status inconsistency between objective and subjective social status. We use a probabilistic and representative sample of the Chilean urban population over the age of 18. Latent class analyses show that a significant proportion of Chileans can be considered cultural omnivores. Multinomial diagonal reference models suggest that omnivorousness is positively predicted by subjective and objective social status. Moreover, regarding inconsistency, objective social status is prominent in the explanation of omnivorousness for both status-underestimating (SSSOSS). These findings provide important insights for discussing the implications of status inconsistency on cultural consumption.

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“…Iceland is a small, homogenous, and egalitarian country (population 325,000) (Hreinsson, 2005; Tomasson, 1980); a social-democratic welfare state with comparatively low levels of income inequality and high rates of social mobility (Jónsson et al, 2001; Ólafsson, 1999; Thorlindsson, 1988). Most Icelanders identify as ‘middle class’ (Oddsson, 2010) and strongly believe that theirs is a ‘middle class society’ (Larsen, 2016; Oddsson, 2017), which encourages comparisons across income and occupational groups.…”

Section: Class Position Opportunity Beliefs and Subjective Status Inmentioning

confidence: 99%

Opportunity beliefs and class differences in subjective status injustice during the Great Recession in Iceland

Oddsson

Bernburg

2017

Acta Sociologica

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Sociologists theorize that opportunity beliefs shape whether individuals see their status in society as just or unjust-a topic that is broadly relevant to research linking social structure to emotions and behaviors. Two prominent theories, however, entail competing propositions. The dominant ideology thesis suggests that believing in opportunity barriers increases subjective status injustice, especially for lower class individuals. In contrast, relative deprivation theory implies that believing in restricted opportunities deters upward comparison among the lower classes, potentially reducing class differences in subjective status injustice. Relationships between class position, opportunity beliefs, and subjective status injustice were studied using survey data gathered during the Great Recession in Iceland. The findings indicate that beliefs in opportunity barriers are widespread, yet few see their social status as unjust. Moreover, only opportunity barriers stemming from political ties and gender increase subjective status injustice, especially so in the case of political ties among lower class individuals. It is likely that this latter sentiment was made particularly significant during the recession by an intense moral discourse condemning nepotism and cronyism. Because these two opportunity constraints are widely condemned in Iceland, we suggest that only opportunity barriers defined as social problems in a given society are salient enough to influence status justice evaluations.

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Class Imagery and Subjective Social Location During Iceland’s Economic Crisis, 2008–2010

Cited by 18 publications

References 40 publications

Community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems: A population‐based study

Community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems: A population‐based study

Cultural omnivorousness and status inconsistency in Chile: the role of objective and subjective social status

Opportunity beliefs and class differences in subjective status injustice during the Great Recession in Iceland

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