Abstract:It is often assumed that checks and balances are effective in curbing corruption, in part because checks and balances are so often assumed to be synonymous with the separation of powers. We argue that checks and balances are only one of several potential manifestations of the separation of powers. We suggest that the apparent correlation between checks and balances and control of corruption is driven by a variety of conditions antecedent to both. Using examples from Western democracies, we demonstrate that the… Show more
“…Indicators for accountability were periodic monitoring and feedback, checks and balances, resource use, and agency transparency. All have been used elsewhere in assessing government responsibilities and effectiveness [32][33][34].…”
International trade is hastening extinction for many species of plants and animals despite the fact that many countries have ratified CITES. The adoption of treaties is often symbolic as many countries, especially in the developing world where most biodiversity is found, experience a lack of fit between international agreements and national laws and institutions. Our main objective here is to assess the extent of jurisdictional and institutional fit in the implementation of CITES in Kenya, an important issue given the amount of international trade in wild products and the importance of wildlife tourism to the country. The specific objectives are to assess the following: the capacity and level of coordination among state actors and conservation mandates in national policy and law using a mixed methods approach involving a literature review and 38 key informant surveys representing professional expertise from various stakeholder groups. We found that over 60% of respondents indicated only moderate capacity for the implementation of CITES and coordination between local and central governments. Some participants indicated that judicial officers lack adequate conservation knowledge, thus hampering enforcement via low prosecution rates. A moderate (at best) structural fit involving inefficiencies such as conflicting processes, unequal enforcement, and suboptimal coordination implies a degree of failure in developing the implementation capacity of CITES within Kenya. Our results also show a mismatch between agency staffing and workload at several levels of government, and we make suggestions for improvement.
“…Indicators for accountability were periodic monitoring and feedback, checks and balances, resource use, and agency transparency. All have been used elsewhere in assessing government responsibilities and effectiveness [32][33][34].…”
International trade is hastening extinction for many species of plants and animals despite the fact that many countries have ratified CITES. The adoption of treaties is often symbolic as many countries, especially in the developing world where most biodiversity is found, experience a lack of fit between international agreements and national laws and institutions. Our main objective here is to assess the extent of jurisdictional and institutional fit in the implementation of CITES in Kenya, an important issue given the amount of international trade in wild products and the importance of wildlife tourism to the country. The specific objectives are to assess the following: the capacity and level of coordination among state actors and conservation mandates in national policy and law using a mixed methods approach involving a literature review and 38 key informant surveys representing professional expertise from various stakeholder groups. We found that over 60% of respondents indicated only moderate capacity for the implementation of CITES and coordination between local and central governments. Some participants indicated that judicial officers lack adequate conservation knowledge, thus hampering enforcement via low prosecution rates. A moderate (at best) structural fit involving inefficiencies such as conflicting processes, unequal enforcement, and suboptimal coordination implies a degree of failure in developing the implementation capacity of CITES within Kenya. Our results also show a mismatch between agency staffing and workload at several levels of government, and we make suggestions for improvement.
“…O princípio fundamental deste mecanismo é de tipo quantitativo: é a maioria a ter mais direitos em termos de governação do que a minoria (a melior pars coincide com a major pars); entretanto, o liberalismo garante que a minoria que perdeu as eleições também tenha os seus direitos reconhecidos: acima de tudo, os tipicamente políticos e civis, relativos à liberdade de expressão, associação, crítica ao executivo; e em segundo lugar, os de tipo institucional e parlamentar. Um sistema de checks-and-balances deveria permitir, às minorias com assento parlamentar, fiscalizar a atividade do governo, mediante regulamentos específicos, servindo de importante etapa para implementar uma primeira, nítida, divisão de poderes (Da Ros & Taylor, 2021).…”
Moçambique: O papel das eleições na "transição inversa" (2009-2019) 1 Mediante uma análise documental e bibliográfica, o texto procura demonstrar quanto os processos eleitorais mais recentes -em particular a partir das eleições gerais de 2009 -influenciaram a aqui chamada de "transição inversa", ou seja, a regressão democrática de um país como Moçambique. Assim, os processos eleitorais mostram a deterioração do sistema democrático moçambicano, constituindo o espelho mais evidente da fraqueza institucional de um país que, além do mais, acentuou os elementos autoritários e o seu aparato repressivo.Palavras-chave: regressão democrática, autoritarismo, processos eleitorais, fraqueza institucional
Mozambique: The role of elections in the "reverse transition" (2009-2019)Through a documentary and bibliographical analysis, the text seeks to demonstrate how much the most recent electoral processes -particularly since the 2009 general elections -have influenced the so-called "reverse transition", i.e. the democratic regression of a country like Mozambique. Thus, the electoral processes show the deterioration of the Mozambican democratic system, constituting the most obvious mirror of the institutional weakness of a country that, moreover, has emphasised authoritarian elements and its repressive apparatus.
“…In the contract between Montesinos and Channel 2, for example, Montesinos purchases full control over news broadcasts for a monthly payment of US$500,000. 15 The contract has the form of a legal document. Montesinos, who held the sole copy, is not named, but just called "the Contractor."…”
Section: Figure 3 Example Of a Compromiso De Honormentioning
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