“…Preventing individuals from making the link between their predisposition and new frames is possible in authoritarian contexts where the state controls the media and other elite messages such that there is “mainstream consensus” (Geddes and Zaller, 1989). Through control of media outlets, co-optation and intimidation of journalists and other elites, censorship, and other information control strategies such as flooding (McMillan and Zoido, 2004; Roberts, 2018; Pan and Siegel, 2020), some authoritarian regimes may prevent the public from being able to choose and ultimately wanting to choose different sources of information (Chen and Yang, 2019). If there is mainstream consensus, the authoritarian regime can prevent alternative information from providing such contextual information and thus succeed in overriding the barriers presented by predisposition to attitude change.…”
Research shows that government-controlled media is an effective tool for authoritarian regimes to shape public opinion. Does government-controlled media remain effective when it is required to support changes in positions that autocrats take on issues? Existing theories do not provide a clear answer to this question, but we often observe authoritarian governments using government media to frame policies in new ways when significant changes in policy positions are required. By conducting an experiment that exposes respondents to government-controlled media—in the form of TV news segments—on issues where the regime substantially changed its policy positions, we find that by framing the same issue differently, government-controlled media moves respondents to adopt policy positions closer to the ones espoused by the regime regardless of individual predisposition. This result holds for domestic and foreign policy issues, for direct and composite measures of attitudes, and persists up to 48 hours after exposure.
“…Preventing individuals from making the link between their predisposition and new frames is possible in authoritarian contexts where the state controls the media and other elite messages such that there is “mainstream consensus” (Geddes and Zaller, 1989). Through control of media outlets, co-optation and intimidation of journalists and other elites, censorship, and other information control strategies such as flooding (McMillan and Zoido, 2004; Roberts, 2018; Pan and Siegel, 2020), some authoritarian regimes may prevent the public from being able to choose and ultimately wanting to choose different sources of information (Chen and Yang, 2019). If there is mainstream consensus, the authoritarian regime can prevent alternative information from providing such contextual information and thus succeed in overriding the barriers presented by predisposition to attitude change.…”
Research shows that government-controlled media is an effective tool for authoritarian regimes to shape public opinion. Does government-controlled media remain effective when it is required to support changes in positions that autocrats take on issues? Existing theories do not provide a clear answer to this question, but we often observe authoritarian governments using government media to frame policies in new ways when significant changes in policy positions are required. By conducting an experiment that exposes respondents to government-controlled media—in the form of TV news segments—on issues where the regime substantially changed its policy positions, we find that by framing the same issue differently, government-controlled media moves respondents to adopt policy positions closer to the ones espoused by the regime regardless of individual predisposition. This result holds for domestic and foreign policy issues, for direct and composite measures of attitudes, and persists up to 48 hours after exposure.
“…Backsliding takes many forms, as aspiring autocrats undermine multiple institutions, including elections, opposition parties, the bureaucracy, and the judiciary. Scholars have identified behind-the-scenes control of the media as one of the most common forms of backsliding (Bermeo 2016;Mechkova, Lührmann, and Lindberg 2017), and evidence on bribes by Peru's Fujimori shows that he placed an especially high value on the media (McMillan and Zoido 2004). Alternative media and civic organizations can sometimes counteract such actions, serving as independent information sources and undermining support for autocratic rulers (Knight and Tribin 2019).…”
We develop a model of electoral accountability in the presence of mainstream and alternative media outlets. In addition to standard high and low competence types, the incumbent may be an aspiring autocrat, who controls the mainstream media and will cause substantial harm if not removed from office. Alternative media can help voters identify and remove aspiring autocrats and can enable voters to focus on honest mainstream media assessments of incumbents' competence. But malicious alternative media that peddle false conspiracy theories about the incumbent and the mainstream media can induce voters to mistakenly remove nonautocratic incumbents, which in turn demotivates incumbent effort and undermines accountability. The alternative media is most beneficial when it is honest and known to be honest. It is most dangerous when it is sufficiently credible that voters pay attention to it, but sufficiently likely to be malicious that it undermines accountability.Many countries inhabit a grey area between democracy and autocracy-their leaders are elected, but may act to eliminate institutional checks on their power. One check that aspiring autocrats seek to remove is the media, which can be induced, by a combination of censorship, ownership, and corruption, to refrain from criticism and act as a propaganda vehicle. Recent examples of rulers who have taken this approach include Turkey's Erdogan, Hungary's Orban, Venezuela's Chávez and Maduro, and Peru's Fujimori.Citizens who are unsure about their leaders' intentions and the mainstream media's independence may turn to alternative media: opposition television and newspapers, the internet and social media, or foreign news providers. However, alternative media may themselves be
“…However, as a developing country, there is still inequality of income and opportunities in the country [64]. Specifically, bribery is a big challenge in the business context [65,66], temporary employees receive a lower compensation package, and relatively limited permanent employment opportunities are available for foreigners [67,68].…”
Precarious workers usually have some of the most unstable working conditions in any country. In this research, we firstly investigated the influence of organizational fairness on the emotional exhaustion and leave intentions of Peruvian precarious workers. Then, we tested the mediating role of anomie at work in the relationship between organizational fairness and the emotional exhaustion and leave intentions of precarious workers. To identify the impact of organizational fairness on these workers, we conducted a cross-sectional survey among 206 precarious workers in Peru. Our results showed that treating precarious workers fairly reduced their emotional exhaustion and leave intentions. Furthermore, we found that anomie at work mediate the relationship between organizational fairness and the emotional exhaustion and the relationship between organizational fairness and leave intentions of precarious workers. We provide empirical evidence of the critical role of organizational fairness in the reduction of emotional exhaustion and leave intentions among precarious workers. Examining the consequences of precarious workers’ perceptions of organizational fairness is needed for owners and managers of companies to have a clear understanding of how precarious workers’ working environments may shape their attitudes and work behaviors.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.