Changing living arrangements: A hazard model of transitions among household types

Richards, Toni; White, Michael J.; Tsui, Amy O.

doi:10.2307/2061509

Cited by 42 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Afro-American children and adults are more likely than nonblacks to live in extended family households (Farley & Allen, 1989;Hofferth, 1985b) and to make transitions to extended family households; and once formed these households stay intact longer than nonblack extended family households (Richards, White, & Tsui, 1987;White & Tsui, 1986).…”

Section: Children's Living Arrangementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In addition, the rates of marital disruption and never-married childbearing among Afro-American parents, and the fluidness of extended family households, suggest that change is a common experience for black children (Farley & Allen, 1989;Hofferth, 1985b;Richards, White, & Tsui, 1987). It is in this malleable context of household and family that Afro-American families interact and children develop.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Diversity and Fluidity in Children's Living Arrangements: Family Transitions in an Urban Afro-American Community

Hunter¹,

Ensminger²

1992

Journal of Marriage and the Family

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Section: Children's Living Arrangementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Diversity and Fluidity in Children's Living Arrangements: Family Transitions in an Urban Afro-American Community

Hunter¹,

Ensminger²

1992

Journal of Marriage and the Family

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“…8 Remittances do play a significant role in South Africa, but usually in the form of a working single individual remitting funds to his/her family, but not a family sending resources to support an unemployed individual (see May 1996, May et al 1997. 9 In contrast, Richards et al(1987) find that higher income of the parental household increases the likelihood of the children living alone and the labour force data do not significantly influence the nature of transitions from household share of the incomes of the household to which one is attached. In addition, one benefits from sharing in the economies of scale of being in a larger household.…”

mentioning

confidence: 95%

Surviving Unemployment without State Support: Unemployment and Household Formation in South Africa

Klasen

Woolard²

2001

SSRN Journal

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Abstract:High unemployment in many OECD countries is often attributed, at least in part, to the generosity and long duration of unemployment compensation. It is therefore instructive to examine a country where high unemployment exists despite the near complete absence of an unemployment insurance system. In South Africa unemployment stood at 23% in 1997 and the unemployed have no unemployment insurance nor informal sector activities to fall back on. This paper examines how the unemployed are able to get access to resources without support from unemployment compensation. Analysing a household survey from 1995, we find that the household formation response of the unemployed is the critical way in which they assure access to resources. In particular, unemployment delays the setting up of an individual household of young people, in some cases by decades. It also leads to the dissolution of existing households and a return of constituent members to parents and other relatives and friends. Access to state transfers (in particular, noncontributory old age pensions) increases the likelihood of attracting unemployed persons to a household. Some unemployed do not benefit from this safety net, and the presence of unemployed members pulls many households supporting them into poverty. We also show that the household formation responses draw some unemployed away from employment opportunities and thus lowers their employment prospects. The paper discusses the implications of these findings for debates about unemployment and social policy in South Africa and in OECD countries. Acknowledgements:We would like to thank

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“…A number of studies, particularly in the 1970s and 1980s, investigated the demographic determinants of past household changes in the United States (Burch 1970;Burch and Matthews 1987;Carliner 1975;Errnisch and Overton 1985;Kobrin 1973Kobrin , 1976Richards, White, and Tsui 1987;Santi 1987Santi , 1988Sweet 1984;Teachman 1982;Watkins, Menken, and Bongaarts 1987;White and Tsui 1986 ). While each is informative, most focus only on the determinants of a certain household type (e.g.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Impacts of Demographic Trends on US Household Size and Structure

Jiang¹,

O’Neill²

2007

Population & Development Rev

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We use a household projection model to construct future scenarios for the United States designed to reflect a wide but plausible range of outcomes, including a new set of scenarios for union formation and dissolution rates based on past trends, experience in other countries, and current theory. The period covered is from 2000 to 2100. We find that the percentage of people living in households headed by the elderly may climb from 11 percent in 2000 to 20–31 percent in 2050 and 20–39 percent in 2100, while the average size of households could plausibly be as low as 2.0 or as high as 3.1 by the second half of the century. We assess the sensitivity of household size and structure to various demographic events, and show that outcomes are most sensitive to changes in fertility rates and rates of union formation and dissolution. They are less sensitive to the timing of marriage and childbearing and to changes in life expectancy.

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Changing living arrangements: A hazard model of transitions among household types

Cited by 42 publications

References 17 publications

Diversity and Fluidity in Children's Living Arrangements: Family Transitions in an Urban Afro-American Community

Diversity and Fluidity in Children's Living Arrangements: Family Transitions in an Urban Afro-American Community

Surviving Unemployment without State Support: Unemployment and Household Formation in South Africa

Impacts of Demographic Trends on US Household Size and Structure

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