Alcune note sui denominali indoeuropei e il suffisso *-ye/o-

A typology of denominal verb formation strategies

“…Indo‐European is possibly the language family for which more diachronic data are available. As discussed by Alfieri (2008), different DVFSs can be reconstructed to different layers of Proto‐Indo‐European. Zero‐derivation is the oldest DVFS in Proto‐Indo‐European, as testified by the sporadic appearance of zero‐derived denominal verbs in the daughter languages, which are non‐productive (Alfieri, 2008, p. 44).…”

“…As discussed by Alfieri (2008), different DVFSs can be reconstructed to different layers of Proto‐Indo‐European. Zero‐derivation is the oldest DVFS in Proto‐Indo‐European, as testified by the sporadic appearance of zero‐derived denominal verbs in the daughter languages, which are non‐productive (Alfieri, 2008, p. 44). In less old layers of Proto‐Indo‐European morphology, an anticausative alternation emerges in the verbal system, based on two reconstructed formatives, namely *‐ye‐ for the stative/anticausative member of the alternation and *‐n‐/*‐eye‐ for the causative one.…”

“…In less old layers of Proto‐Indo‐European morphology, an anticausative alternation emerges in the verbal system, based on two reconstructed formatives, namely *‐ye‐ for the stative/anticausative member of the alternation and *‐n‐/*‐eye‐ for the causative one. Nominal bases participate in this alternation, although there are no many examples of pairs of anticausative and causative denominal verbs involving the same nominal base (Alfieri, 2008, p. 46). The anticausative formative, *‐ye‐ , progressively loses its semantic specificity and extends from ‘be/become N’ to ‘perform the typical activity of N’, eventually becoming a simple verbaliser used to merely signal the verbal status of the derived word.…”