Latin 1st class -ā- verbs as thematic formations: On the deficiency of IE roots

Bertocci, Davide

doi:10.4000/pallas.4047

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…also Rainer 2015) from a descriptive, functionalist perspective, but without explicitly treating the diachrony of theme vowels. And while some verbal themes are generally acknowledged to be diachronically related to, or even descended from, nominal morphology (for example, the Latin 1 st conjugation marker (*)-ā-, Leumann 1977: 545;Bertocci 2017;Weiss 2020: 423), the exact circumstances of their reanalysis from nominal to verbal (and, in an Oltra-Massuet-style approach, from syntactic head to postsyntactic adjunct) are rarely explicitly stated, and the synchronic analysis is complicated by the fact that these morphemes are usually used in primary and in derived environments at the same synchronic stage of the language (cf. de Vaan 2012 on deverbal ā-verbs in Latin).…”

Section: Diachrony Of Verbal "Themes"mentioning

confidence: 99%

To v or not to v ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

Grestenberger

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper offers a Distributed Morphology analysis of verbal theme vowels and primary verbal stem-forming morphology in Ancient Greek (AG). While verbal stem-forming morphemes are standardly analyzed as realizing Aspect in AG, I propose that both the inherited simple thematic and the athematic verbal stem-forming morphology of AG patterns as verbalizing morphology (v) according to a variety of diagnostics proposed in the literature, in particular idiosyncratic selectional properties of roots and the ability to form denominal and deadjectival verbs. Complex thematic suffixes moreover have the same distribution as simple thematic suffixes. These three classes of verbs (simple thematic, complex thematic, athematic) differ from synchronically denominal and deadjectival verbs, whose nominal stem-forming morphemes later became verbalizers in Modern Greek. This paper thus provides clear diagnostics for distinguishing between synchronically denominal, root-derived, and verbal-stem derived verbs in AG and morphologically similar languages. It also provides further evidence that verbal theme vowels occupy the same structural position and have broadly the same Aktionsart properties as other types of verbalizing morphology, contributing to the debate on the functional/semantic content of theme vowels in general.

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Section: Diachrony Of Verbal "Themes"mentioning

confidence: 99%

To v or not to v ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

Grestenberger

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…), which are probably inherited from PIE, -sco cannot apply directly to a root, but it requires to be merged with a stem, that is, with a thematized root. As far as -āand -ī-as 'thematic' element are concerned, we want to stress that -ā-and -īshare a number of properties: both look related to the derivation of verbs from nouns/adjectives (multare, curare); they are the only possible output for parasynthetic formations (impedīre, dērīvāre), and more generally -ā-appears with secondary formations like intensives and causatives or with metaplasms due to prefixation (experīre < parĕre, dĭcāre < dīcĕre, placāre: placēre, edŭcāre < dūcĕre, cantāre < canĕre, gestīre: gestāre: gerĕr); both -ā-and -ī-are controversial as regards to their etymology, this means that many verbs of the first and of the fourth class have not cognate forms in other IE languages, and that their diffusion in Latin is an innovation (Bertocci 2017). Once we state that -sco requires a stem, then, the selection of -ā-or -ī-as bridging element for -sco verbs can be expected, Towards a morpho-syntactic analysis of -ī-scō and -ā-scō verbs since they are productive, represent an innovation, and are the typical thematic elements of Latin verb.…”

Section: The Role Of -Scomentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In order to be an autonomous noun/adjective an n/aP needs more structure, as the D(eterminer) P(hrase). 18 As for thematic vowels, seeEmbick and Halle (2005) andBertocci (2017).Towards a morpho-syntactic analysis of -ī-scō and -ā-scō verbs…”

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Towards a morpho-syntactic analysis of -ī-scō and -ā-scō verbs

Bertocci¹,

Pinzin²

2019

Words and Sounds

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The goal of this chapter is to identify the morpho-syntactic rules which govern the formation of -sco verbs in Latin in a Constructivist framework. We assume a coherent syntactic structure for all productive -sco verbs, in which a stative sub-component and an inchoative one are both active. Then we concentrate on the vocalic element which is required between the root and the suffix -sco itself. In particular, we claim that the choice of either -ē-or -ā-or -īcan be predicted according to the status of the underlying lexical element. A list of roots which can only compare in stative configuration typically select -ē-('Caland' type, e.g. rubesco), which is also related to stativity for diachronic reasons. Non-stative roots, nouns, adjectives instead select -ā-and -ī-either on the model of corresponding -āre and -īre verbs or as proper thematic elements, which are inserted in order to allow the insertion of -sco.

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Remarks on the Role of the Perfect Participle in Italian Morphology and on its History

Calabrese

2020

Probus

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Since (Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Morphology by itself. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press), the disparate morphosyntactic roles that past participle forms have in Latin (and Italian) morphology have played a central role in arguing for morphomic approaches. In this article, I will propose an alternative analysis of the special behavior of these participle forms in Distributed Morphology (DM, Halle Morris, & Alec Marantz. 1993. Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In Kenneth Hale & Samuel Jay Keyser (eds.), The view from building 20: Essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger, 111–176. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.). In particular, I will propose that morphological spell-out, as a first stage of the PF derivation, includes morphological repairs triggered by abstract “morphomic” constraints. These repairs can insert “ornamental” pieces – structures that are not motivated syntactically or semantically but only morphologically – to mediate the interface between abstract syntactico-semantic structures and surface PF construction. I will demonstrate the role that these repairs play in accounting for the surface convergence between perfect and passive participle forms, and adjectival stative ones, and for the appearance of past participles in nominalizations. The article ends with an analysis of Latin past participle morphology focusing on its historical development. The first part of this analysis deals with the development of Latin verbal structure from Proto-Indo-European (PIE) and in particular with the development of “ornamental” thematic vowels. It then turns to a brief investigation of the historical development of the Latin past participle exponent /-t-/ from PIE adjectival suffix *-tó-, and of the PIE agentive and action/result nominal suffixes *-tér/tor, *-ti-, *-tu, *-men-(to)-. This will lead to a discussion of Latin nominalizations, the supine and the future participle and a possible explanation of why they contain participial morphology.

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Latin 1st class -ā- verbs as thematic formations: On the deficiency of IE roots

Cited by 5 publications

References 14 publications

To <em>v</em> or not to <em>v</em> ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

To <em>v</em> or not to <em>v</em> ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb

Towards a morpho-syntactic analysis of -ī-scō and -ā-scō verbs

Remarks on the Role of the Perfect Participle in Italian Morphology and on its History

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