2020
DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2020.1830767
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‘Actually existing’ right-wing populism in rural Europe: insights from eastern Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom and Ukraine

Abstract: This study depicts various manifestations of what we call 'actually existing' right-wing populism. Based on empirical insights from eastern Germany, Spain, the UK and Ukraine, we explored how nationalist tendencies unfold in different contexts and what role agriculture and rural imageries play in this process. We analyse contextual factors (rural 'emptiness', socio-economic inequality, particularities of electoral systems, politics of Europeanization) and citizens' perceptions of social reality (selective memo… Show more

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Cited by 16 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…The crisis of the globalized capitalist economy, which resulted in the peripheralization of rural areas and the related crisis of representative democracies, triggered rural resentment against the existing order. This resentment has manifested itself in rural support for right-wing populist parties and in grassroots nationalist movements (Mamonova et al, 2020) both in Hungary (Kovai 2018;Szombati 2018;Vigvári 2019) and in Germany (Lees 2018;Vorländer et al, 2018;Förtner et al, 2021;Schmalz et al, 2021). Left-wing populism (Goes and Bock 2017;Mouffe 2018;Förtner et al, 2021), which builds on "equality and social justice" (Mouffe, 2018: 47) and a radical democracy "in which differences are still active" but where people are united in their opposition against "forces or discourses that negate all of them" (38), has not been able so far to reach the precaritized inhabitants of peripheralized rural areas.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The crisis of the globalized capitalist economy, which resulted in the peripheralization of rural areas and the related crisis of representative democracies, triggered rural resentment against the existing order. This resentment has manifested itself in rural support for right-wing populist parties and in grassroots nationalist movements (Mamonova et al, 2020) both in Hungary (Kovai 2018;Szombati 2018;Vigvári 2019) and in Germany (Lees 2018;Vorländer et al, 2018;Förtner et al, 2021;Schmalz et al, 2021). Left-wing populism (Goes and Bock 2017;Mouffe 2018;Förtner et al, 2021), which builds on "equality and social justice" (Mouffe, 2018: 47) and a radical democracy "in which differences are still active" but where people are united in their opposition against "forces or discourses that negate all of them" (38), has not been able so far to reach the precaritized inhabitants of peripheralized rural areas.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Often, the support for these parties is rooted mainly in rural areas. This phenomenon is also known as rural populism (see, e.g., Jadhav 2021; Mamonova, Franquesa, and Brooks 2020). It has, for example, been observed that the votes of people living in “flyover country” and “the Rust Belt” were crucial for the victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. presidential election (Rodríguez‐Pose 2018).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…By promising the prioritization of smallholder agriculture over multinational enterprises, Jobbik became the largest opposition party in Hungary in 2018, winning 19 percent of the vote (Lubarda 2020). Similarly, in Ukraine in 2019, right‐wing populist parties attempted to win votes by making agricultural demands in response to growing rural resentment among farmers due to their fear of land grabs in the course of land reforms aimed at opening up the market (Mamonova et al 2020). Moreover, in Italy, the government formed by the Lega party criticized the EU for “not defend[ing] Italian farmers against unfair international competition, thus threatening both the economic sustainability and the cultural relevance of Italian agriculture” (Iocco, Lo Cascio, and Perrotta 2020:743).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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