“…In Europe, these costs were estimated to reach €160 billion in 2008 (Wimo et al, 2013). Along similar lines, it will be important in the coming decades to gain a better understanding of how ageing and immigration intersect to impact language disparities in our older population (Arxer et al, 2017). Questions arisingTo what extent is ‘age’ as a construct of itself of relevance in the light of huge and increasing spread of individual abilities and skills as age progresses?How can we methodologically tease apart language training effects from effects of increased social participation that is facilitated through language learning?Related to point (2), how can we find out whether it is actual use of the learned L2 makes a contribution, whether direct or indirect, to the highly desirable state of social well-being and/or a potential BA?Do later-life L2 learners when attempting to use their learned L2 in everyday real-life settings stay within the boundaries of the L2, or do they draw creatively on whatever repertoires of language to which they may have access, including the L2 that they are learning?How does access to various resources impact on success and continuation with the endeavour of learning a new language later in life?…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Limited opportunities for practice can feed into greater language anxiety and L2 avoidance (Sevinç & Backus, 2017). Documenting stories and experiences gathered from a four-year family literacy programme in a US public library system, Arxer, del Puy Ciriza, and Shappeck (2017) discuss minority ageing and how both public and private initiatives are framed with older adults in mind to promote successful language resocialisation. In doing so, they touch upon two important themes: the intersectional character of ageing which includes issues of race, ethnicity and immigration, as well as the focus on capturing the voices of minority elders about their use of an additional language: how does language learning shape family relationships, the workplace setting and notions of self-identity?…”
Section: What Older Learners Bring To the Learning Of Additional Langmentioning
While there is a growing body of research on second language acquisition (SLA) in children, adolescents, young and more mature adults, much remains to be explored about how adults in later life learn a new language and how good additional language learning is for THEM. Our goal in this article is to survey and evaluate what is known about the linguistic, socio-affective, neurobiological and cognitive underpinnings of the second language (L2) learning process in older individuals, the extent to which L2 acquisition may be seen as contributing to healthy and active ageing, and how these phenomena are to be approached scientifically, methodologically and pedagogically. Our view is that a developmental enterprise as complex as L2 learning in senior adulthood and its effects in later life cannot be explained by a single theory or set of principles. Furthermore, we take it that L2 acquisition in the third age needs to be regarded not just as a goal in itself but as a means of promoting social interaction and integration, and that it is partly through the stimulation of social well-being that its cognitive effects may potentially be observed.
“…In Europe, these costs were estimated to reach €160 billion in 2008 (Wimo et al, 2013). Along similar lines, it will be important in the coming decades to gain a better understanding of how ageing and immigration intersect to impact language disparities in our older population (Arxer et al, 2017). Questions arisingTo what extent is ‘age’ as a construct of itself of relevance in the light of huge and increasing spread of individual abilities and skills as age progresses?How can we methodologically tease apart language training effects from effects of increased social participation that is facilitated through language learning?Related to point (2), how can we find out whether it is actual use of the learned L2 makes a contribution, whether direct or indirect, to the highly desirable state of social well-being and/or a potential BA?Do later-life L2 learners when attempting to use their learned L2 in everyday real-life settings stay within the boundaries of the L2, or do they draw creatively on whatever repertoires of language to which they may have access, including the L2 that they are learning?How does access to various resources impact on success and continuation with the endeavour of learning a new language later in life?…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Limited opportunities for practice can feed into greater language anxiety and L2 avoidance (Sevinç & Backus, 2017). Documenting stories and experiences gathered from a four-year family literacy programme in a US public library system, Arxer, del Puy Ciriza, and Shappeck (2017) discuss minority ageing and how both public and private initiatives are framed with older adults in mind to promote successful language resocialisation. In doing so, they touch upon two important themes: the intersectional character of ageing which includes issues of race, ethnicity and immigration, as well as the focus on capturing the voices of minority elders about their use of an additional language: how does language learning shape family relationships, the workplace setting and notions of self-identity?…”
Section: What Older Learners Bring To the Learning Of Additional Langmentioning
While there is a growing body of research on second language acquisition (SLA) in children, adolescents, young and more mature adults, much remains to be explored about how adults in later life learn a new language and how good additional language learning is for THEM. Our goal in this article is to survey and evaluate what is known about the linguistic, socio-affective, neurobiological and cognitive underpinnings of the second language (L2) learning process in older individuals, the extent to which L2 acquisition may be seen as contributing to healthy and active ageing, and how these phenomena are to be approached scientifically, methodologically and pedagogically. Our view is that a developmental enterprise as complex as L2 learning in senior adulthood and its effects in later life cannot be explained by a single theory or set of principles. Furthermore, we take it that L2 acquisition in the third age needs to be regarded not just as a goal in itself but as a means of promoting social interaction and integration, and that it is partly through the stimulation of social well-being that its cognitive effects may potentially be observed.
“…Needs analysis may be especially fruitful for older learners, who likely have specific motivations and goals and thus may be better able to articulate their needs than non-migrant young adults who may be undertaking language study with only vague ideas of its future usefulness (Cox, 2013; Arxer, Ciriza, & Shappeck, 2017). By definition, a needs analysis will be specific to the local population and circumstances and thus will need to be replicated when undertaking research in a new geopolitical area or profile of L2 learner (e.g., migrant versus non-migrant retiree ).…”
Section: Intentional Language Learning and Older Adultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In locations ranging from Europe to Japan to Ecuador, some classes for older adults (or including older adults alongside other adult ages) are already underway, whether they are in conjunction with or independent from universities (e.g., Mackey & Sachs, 2012; Bernal Castañeda, 2016; Mora & Abad, 2016; Ramírez Gómez, 2016; Arxer et al, 2017; Gabryś-Barker, 2018). These courses may tend to attract non-migrant retirees , although the European Union has also developed initiatives to increase language instruction for migrants at all ages (Majhanovich & Deyrich, 2017).…”
Section: Intentional Language Learning and Older Adultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As for social networks, while it is relevant to investigate young adults’ willingness to communicate in L2, older adult migrants may be willing to communicate in the target language, but lack opportunities to do so due to L1-based social networks or social isolation (for example, grandparents who stay at home to care for grandchildren). In turn, their limited opportunities for practice can feed into greater language anxiety and L2 avoidance (Arxer et al, 2017; Sevinç & Backus, 2017). Individuals with limited L2 social networks also tend to come from more marginalized groups (women, less educated, and/or older in age), which may compound their difficulties in learning L2 (Adamuti-Trache, 2013; Pot, Keijzer, & de Bot, 2018c).…”
Section: Intentional Language Learning and Older Adultsmentioning
Calls to diversify second language acquisition (SLA) (e.g., Ortega, 2013) have led to increased interest in multilingualism and inclusion of groups less represented in samples of university students, such as individuals at older ages. Nevertheless, we still have more questions than we do answers. This article outlines a research agenda targeting older adult language learning and multilinguals at older ages, both in and beyond the classroom. Since a key difference between young and older adults is cognitive aging, I follow a cognitive approach, focusing on how individual differences in cognition may affect language and vice versa, and how relevant sociocultural factors add to the interplay between language and cognition. Notably, this is not always a story of decline and deficits, but instead of both strengths and weaknesses that differ from those of young adults.
Digital divides mean that marginalized groups such as adults who speak English as a second or other language (ESOL) are less likely to have access to online instruction. Higher levels of English proficiency are associated with better health and employment; therefore, access to ESOL classes is essential. We investigated how sociodemographics and English proficiency relate to adult learners' preferences for, and barriers to, online instruction of ESOL during and beyond the COVID‐19 pandemic. Sixty‐one adults completed a survey on their pandemic experiences, demographics, and ESOL classes. Analyses showed nonsignificant relationships between interest in online instruction and internet access, education, income, and age. Respondents reported expecting more nondigital than digital barriers to online instruction overall. Expecting to encounter digital barriers did not constrain respondents' interest in future online instruction; however, beginner‐proficiency individuals had higher interest than those with intermediate or no proficiency. Of the five specific types of remote instruction included in the survey, learning to use new technologies interested most respondents the most. Results will inform ESOL practitioners and administrations as they continue to develop online or digital literacies components for their classes.
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