8. Wordstress in West-Germanic and North-Germanic languages

Zonneveld, Wim; Trommelen, Mieke; Jessen, Michael E.; Bruce, Gösta; Árnason, Kristján

doi:10.1515/9783110197082.2.477

Cited by 32 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…These words have distributionally exceptional but still metrically regular stress according to most accounts (cf. Gussenhoven, 1999;Trommelen & Zonneveld, 1989, 1990Zonneveld et al, 1999). Therefore, we would like to propose here that the computation of the languageÕs predominant stress pattern might be faster than the computation of the less frequent stress pattern, which nevertheless can be metrically regular.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Roughly, two types of accounts have been proposed. In the account of Zonneveld (1989, 1990) and Zonneveld, Trommelen, Jessen, Bruce, and Arnason (1999) bisyllabic words receive stress on the initial syllable, except when the final syllable is a socalled super-heavy syllable, i.e., a syllable with a rhyme of the type VVC or VCC (where V stands for vowel and C stands for consonant). In that case, stress falls on the super-heavy final syllable.…”

Section: Linguistic Accounts Of Stress In Dutchmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Stress priming in picture naming: An SOA study

2004

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study investigates whether or not the representation of lexical stress information can be primed during speech production. In four experiments, we attempted to prime the stress position of bisyllabic target nouns (picture names) having initial and final stress with auditory prime words having either the same or different stress as the target (e.g., WORtel-MOtor vs. koSTUUM-MOtor; capital letters indicate stressed syllables in prime-target pairs). Furthermore, half of the prime words were semantically related, the other half unrelated. Overall, picture names were not produced faster when the prime word had the same stress as the target than when the prime had different stress, i.e., there was no stress-priming effect in any experiment. This result would not be expected if stress were stored in the lexicon. However, targets with initial stress were responded to faster than final-stress targets. The reason for this effect was neither the quality of the pictures nor frequency of occurrence or voice-key characteristics. We hypothesize here that this stress effect is a genuine encoding effect, i.e., words with stress on the second syllable take longer to be encoded because their stress pattern is irregular with respect to the lexical distribution of bisyllabic stress patterns, even though it can be regular with respect to metrical stress rules in Dutch. The results of the experiments are discussed in the framework of models of phonological encoding.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Linguistic Accounts Of Stress In Dutchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stress priming in picture naming: An SOA study

2004

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In the theory of Zonneveld (1989, 1990) and Zonneveld et al (1999), bisyllabic words receive stress on the initial syllable, except when the final syllable is a so-called super-heavy syllable, i.e. a syllable with a rhyme of the type VVC or VCC (where V stands for a short vowel, VV for a long vowel or a diphthong, and C for a consonant).…”

Section: Metrical Stress In Dutchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lexical stress encoding in single word production estimated by event-related brain potentials

Schiller

2006

Brain Research

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

An event-related brain potentials (ERPs) experiment was carried out to investigate the time course of lexical stress encoding in language production. Native speakers of Dutch viewed a series of pictures corresponding to bisyllabic names which were either stressed on the first or on the second syllable and made go/no-go decisions on the lexical stress location of those picture names. Behavioral results replicated a pattern that was observed earlier, i.e. faster button-press latencies to initial as compared to final stress targets. The electrophysiological results indicated that participants could make a lexical stress decision significantly earlier when picture names had initial than when they had final stress. Moreover, the present data suggest the time course of lexical stress encoding during single word form formation in language production. When word length is corrected for, the temporal interval for lexical stress encoding specified by the current ERP results falls into the time window previously identified for phonological encoding in language production. IntroductionModels of speech production (e.g., Caramazza, 1997;Dell, 1986;Garrett, 1975;Levelt, 1989;Levelt et al., 1999) assume that spoken word generation involves several cognitive processes, such as conceptual preparation, lexical access, word form encoding, and articulation. Phonological encoding is part of word form encoding. Levelt et al. (1999) presented one of the most fine-grained models of phonological encoding to date (see also Dell, 1986Dell, , 1988. According to this model, phonological encoding can start after the word form of a lexical item has been retrieved from the mental lexicon. First, the phonological encoding system must access the ordered set of segments (phonemes), and the metrical frame of a word form has to be retrieved or computed. The metrical frame consists of -at least -the number of syllables and the location of the lexical stress. Segmental and metrical retrieval run in parallel (Levelt et al., 1999;Roelofs and Meyer, 1998). During segment-to-frame association, previously retrieved segments are combined with their metrical frame. Segments are inserted incrementally into slots made available by the metrical frame to build a so-called phonological word, i.e. a sequence of one or more well-formed syllables. A phonological or prosodic word consists of one or more lexical items, bears one lexical stress, and constitutes the domain of phonotactic constraints and syllabification. The syllabification process is incremental and respects universal and language-specific syllabification rules (Roelofs, 1997). Thus, segment-to-frame association is the process that lends the necessary flexibility to the speech production system such B R A I N R E S E A R C H 1 1 1 2 ( 2 0 0 6 ) 2 0 1 -2 1 2 ⁎ Fax: +31 43 3884125.E-mail address: n.schiller@psychology.unimaas.nl.

show abstract

“…(40) Compound stress in Dutch (vakántie)  (fòto)  (compound word) (Zonneveld et al, 1999) 'holiday snapshot' (kléur)  (lòos)  (derived word) (Booij, 1995:115) 'colourless' (41) Compound stress in EP (Vigário, 2001) (pòrta)  (óculos)  (compound word) 'eyeglasses case' (alègre)  (ménte)  (derived word) 'happily'…”

Section: The Position Of the Deleted Unit: German And Dutch Vs Romanmentioning

confidence: 99%