11. German right dislocation and afterthought in discourse

Averintseva-Klisch, Maria

doi:10.1075/pbns.172.11ave

Cited by 10 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…However, in light of more recent research (see e.g. Lambrecht , Averintseva‐Klisch ), this conflates two syntactically distinct notions: right dislocation, and afterthought constructions disambiguating pronouns. Either source would lead us to expect that, in early stages of the grammaticalisation chain, the doubled item would be at the right edge of the clause, rather than being flexibly positioned.…”

Section: Beyond Animacy and Definitenessmentioning

confidence: 97%

The development of dative agreement in Berber: beyond nominal hierarchies

Souag

2014

Trans of the Philol Soc

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Diachronically, agreement commonly emerges from clitic doubling, which in turn derives from topic shift constructions (Givón 1976) – a grammaticalisation pathway termed the Agreement Cycle. For accusatives, at the intermediate stages of this development, doubling constitutes a form of Differential Object Marking, and passes towards agreement as the conditions for its use are relaxed to cover larger sections of the Definiteness and Animacy Scales. Berber, a subfamily of Afroasiatic spoken in North Africa, shows widespread dative doubling with substantial variation across languages in the conditioning factors, which in one case has developed into inflectional dative agreement. Examination of a corpus covering eighteen Berber varieties suggests that low Definiteness/Animacy datives are less likely to be doubled. However, since most datives are both definite and animate, these factors account for very little of the observed variation. Much more can be accounted for by an unexpected factor: the choice of verb. “Say” consistently shows much higher frequencies of doubling, usually nearly 100 per cent. This observation can be explained on the hypothesis that doubling derives from afterthoughts, not from topic dislocation.

show abstract

Section: Beyond Animacy and Definitenessmentioning

confidence: 97%

The development of dative agreement in Berber: beyond nominal hierarchies

Souag

2014

Trans of the Philol Soc

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Es una manifestación de la reflexividad del discurso y del amplio campo de la actividad formulativa del hablante (Ducrot, 1984;Récanati, 1979;García Negroni-Tordesillas, 2001). Asimismo, puede introducir un argumento que este considera relevante, o una información de segundo plano, no principal, casi un afterthought (Averintseva, 2008;Fuentes, 2012), o planificada sobre la marcha. (Bobes, 1972;Dik, 1997;Verstraete, 2005;Rebuschi, 2005;RAE, 2009) no suelen detenerse a tratar de forma específica los casos en que la conjunción y relaciona un segmento host con el parentético.…”

Section: Parentéticos Y Coordinación: Estudios Previosunclassified

Funciones discursivas de las estructuras parentéticas coordinadas

Rodríguez

2017

Onomázein

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

El trabajo realiza un estudio macrosintáctico sobre las estructuras parentéticas que interrumpen la linealidad sintáctica y lo hacen por medio de las conjunciones y, o. La metodología seguida es la lingüística pragmática, que busca identificar las funciones discursivas de estos enunciados y el ámbito de actuación de la coordinación. El análisis nos lleva a la conclusión de que la presencia de las conjunciones en los parentéticos obedece a la necesidad de marcar relaciones macroestructurales: fuerza argumentativa (y) o reformulación (o).

show abstract

“…However, this is again half the truth, given the examples of RDs exhibiting a corrective, AT-like interpretation. In the formal syntactic literature, even though there is frequent mention of the use of RDs as ATs, no explicit work on ATs has been put forth until very recently (Averintseva-Klisch 2006, 2008, 2009, 2010; de Vries 2007; Ott & de Vries 2012a, to appear, among others). In the case of Greek, a syntactic account of ATs is still pending.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the case of Greek, a syntactic account of ATs is still pending. Building on earlier work by de Vries (2007), Ott and de Vries (2012a,b, 2014) and Averintseva-Klisch (2006, 2008, 2010), I will distinguish RDs into (a) backgrounded RDs (BRDs) on the one hand and (b) ATs on the other [7] . Even though the focus of this paper will be ATs in Greek, a number of issues regarding ATs on a more general perspective will be discussed.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Chatzikyriakidis

2016

J. Ling.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper deals with the syntax of afterthoughts in Greek under a parsing-oriented perspective. The main claim is that afterthoughts can receive a straightforward explanation once we make the assumption that afterthoughts can be seen as answers to implicit questions. A formal syntactic account based on this assumption is put forth, and its ability to deal with gender mismatches exhibited in Greek afterthoughts is shown. Afterthoughts are further discussed in a more general perspective, arguing that once we turn into a dynamic model where context re-use and update are taken to be core components of syntax, a number of issues regarding afterthoughts like connectivity effects, locality constraints, freedom of positioning and reconstruction effects can receive a straightforward explanation.

show abstract

11. German right dislocation and afterthought in discourse

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

The development of dative agreement in Berber: beyond nominal hierarchies

The development of dative agreement in Berber: beyond nominal hierarchies

Funciones discursivas de las estructuras parentéticas coordinadas

Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About