Das Jornadas De Junho À Cruzada Moral: O Papel Das Redes Sociais Na Polarização Política Brasileira

Abstract

Resumo O objetivo deste texto é compreender o papel desempenhado pelas redes sociais na polarização política. Na perspectiva da moldagem social da tecnologia, desenvolve uma análise sociológica e histórica das características da sociabilidade por meio de plataformas num contexto de uso individualizado de dispositivos de conexão. Os protestos de 2013 são tomados como ponto de inflexão a partir do qual disputas políticas passaram a se dar por meio de uma gramática moral. O artigo analisa como a concentração do uso da internet em poucas plataformas afetou as comunicações que antes eram mediadas pelas pessoas em diferentes contextos, unificando-as de forma a acentuar oposições binárias e a formação de consensos polarizados.

Programmatic Crisis and Moralization of the Politics: a Proposal to Define the Bolsonarism from the Experience with the Covid-19 Pandemic

“…Instead, it focuses on the spread of fear, resorting to the expedient of creating moral panics - such as the ghost of “gender ideology” or a possible return of “communism”. (Machado and Miskolci 2019 , p. 957)…”

“…Brazilian politics has been taken by a varied range of moralizing phenomena that feed back into a vicious circle. The antipetisis is perhaps the most prominent, but it should be understood in the context of other similar and complementary phenomena that feed it, such as the anti-corruption crusade of lavajazism and the bolsonarian “cultural war.” In general terms, the phenomena of the moralization of politics are characterized by the colonization of politics by the moral code—the binarism good/wrong—that is, by translating problems into collective causes and moral causes: the focus is on accusing people and groups as those responsible for evil and on seeking “anti-system” heroes capable of promoting the victory of the good as the only and invariable solution to all problems (Machado and Miskolci 2019 ).…”

“…In our most recent political history, the so-called June 2013 protests may have taken a similar milestone to that analyzed by Guerreiro Ramos: political disputes are increasingly guided by anti-partisan and moralizing rhetoric, with the crusade against corruption being again activated by the mass media to build political public opinion based on the identification of people and groups (parties, especially the PT) defined as corrupt. The structural transformations in the mass media, particularly the rise of “Web 2.0” that made the Internet an environment controlled by “social network corporations” with its intransparent algorithms, potentialized and dynamized the production of moral scandals about the global behavior of people as a central element of the political dispute (Machado and Miskolci 2019 , p. 952).…”

“…This legal moralization promoted by the “Lava-Jato” operation was soon followed and/or succeeded by the religious moralization of public opinion and politics, focused on behavioral issues of gender and sexuality (Machado and Miskolci 2019 , p. 956). The religious moralist right did not come out of the closet by chance (Messemberg 2017 ).…”

“…The similarities with non-religious moralization are evident: politics and public debate are transformed into sensationalist polarizations that absolutize the moral code that “divides adversaries into Manichean binaries that easily move from a macrosocial agenda to a focus on the morality or ethics of a group or individual” (Machado and Miskolci 2019 , p. 958). The programmatic crisis of the formal decision-making centers of the political system (the parties, the legislature and the executive) creates power opportunities for the religious moralization of politics, especially with the link between religion and the mass media that can function as a resource for the moral punishment of politicians and parties.…”