In the past, a vast majority of medical assistance in dying (MAiD) patients were elderly patients with cancer who are not suitable for organ donation, making organ donation from such patients a rare event. However, more expansive criteria for MAiD combined with an increased participation of MAiD patients in organ donation is likely to drastically increase the pool of MAiD patients who can serve as organ donors. Previous discussions of ethical issues arising from these trends have not fully addressed difficulties involved in separating decision to end one’s life from the one to donate one’s organs. However, realities of organ donation logistics and human decision making suggest that this separation can be extraordinary difficult. The need to maximise quality of donated organs complicates dying experience of the donor and is likely in tension with the dying experience the patient envisioned when first considering MAiD. Furthermore, the idea that patients will think about MAiD first, and only when firmly decided to end their life, consider organ donation, runs contrary to organ donation policies in some countries as well as end of life and everyday decision making. This opens the door for organ donation to serve as an incentive in MAiD decisions. Dispensing with the simplistic assumption that organ donation can never be a factor in MAiD decisions is, therefore, essential first step to properly addressing ethical issues at hand.
In a recent article Joshua James Hatherley argues that, if physician-assisted suicide (PAS) is morally permissible for patients suffering from somatic illnesses, it should be permissible for psychiatric patients as well. He argues that psychiatric disorders do not necessarily impair decision-making ability, that they are not necessarily treatable and that legalising PAS for psychiatric patients would not diminish research and therapeutic interest in psychiatric treatments or impair their recovery through loss of hope. However, by erasing distinction between somatic and psychiatric disorders on those grounds, he also erases distinction between healthy adults and patients (whether somatic or psychiatric) essentially implying that PAS should be available to all, for all reasons or, ultimately no reason. Furthermore, as psychiatric patients are much more likely to be a source of usable organs for transplantation, their broad inclusion would strengthen the link between PAS/euthanasia and organ donation, potentially undermining both as well as diminishing already declining general trust in medical authorities and professionals and public health authorities and activists.
Bollen et al, replying to my own article, describe, in great detail, administrative and logistical aspects of euthanasia approval and organ donation in the Netherlands. They seem to believe that no useful lessons can be drawn from experiences of related groups such as euthanasia patients (typically patients with cancer) who cannot donate organs; patients who chose assisted suicide as opposed to euthanasia; patients in intensive care units and their relatives and suicidal young people as if we can only learn about organ donation in euthanasia patients by studying this exact group and no other, no matter how closely related and obviously relevant. However, it is not only permissible but also absolutely essential to gather evidence that goes beyond immediate point of interest and carefully study groups that share important features with it. Also, groups eligible for euthanasia are constantly expanding, theoretically, legally and practically, and it would be irresponsible to not foresee what are likely future developments. Finally, myopic focus on the technicalities of the procedure misses psychological reality that drives decisions and behaviours and which rarely mimics administrative timelines. Patients proceeding through euthanasia pipeline already face substantial situational pressure and adding organ donation on top of it can make the whole process work as a commitment device. By allowing euthanasia patients to donate their organs, we are giving them additional reason to end their lives, thus creating an unbreakable connection between the two.
The paper focuses on the ongoing "breastfeeding wars" in public discourse and feminist approaches to ongoing debates in this area. Feminist disputes over breastfeeding are found in every "wave" of the feminist movement, including the dominant contemporary political discourse of "gender mainstreaming". For one, feminist divisions over breastfeeding are influenced by ideological and theoretical differences in feminism (Marxist, radical, libertarian and other positions), sometimes resulting in their convergence with other ideologies (for example, conservatism). However, a recurrent point of division is also whether breastfeeding has an empowering or alienating effect on women. For one group of scholars, breastfeeding is a liberating practice, while the other camp is criticizing breastfeeding promotion as a form of oppression. This underscores the point that issues concerning woman's body, especially reproductive rights and sexuality, are the most critical source of ambivalence within the modern feminism. This has been evident in feminist positions on new reproductive technologies, parenthood, and finally breastfeeding, making them some of the most controversial subjects of feminist debates.
An increasing number of bioethicists are raising concerns that young childless women requesting sterilisation as means of birth control are facing unfair obstacles. It is argued that these obstacles are inconsistent, paternalistic, that they reflect pronatalist bias and that men seem to face fewer obstacles. It is commonly recommended that physicians should change their approach to this type of patient. In contrast, I argue that physicians’ reluctance to eagerly follow an unusual request is understandable and that whatever obstacles result from this reluctance serve as a useful filter for women who are not seriously committed to their expressed requests for sterilisation. As women already disproportionally bear the birth control burden, less resistance that men might be getting in terms of voluntary sterilisation works to women’s advantage, providing a much needed balance. Societal attitudes towards women and motherhood should not be confused with individual physicians’ reasonable reluctance to jump at a serious elective procedure at fairly mild expression of interest.
Breastfeeding is analogous to pregnancy as an experience, in its exclusiveness to women, and in its cost and the effects it has on equitable share of labor. Therefore, the history of formula feeding provides useful insights into the future of full ectogenesis, which could evolve into a more severe version of what formula feeding is today: simplify life for some women and provide couples with a more equitable share of work at the cost of stigma, guilt and a daily diet of studies purporting to show the benefits of natural pregnancy. Making pregnancy an optional route to motherhood would make women's life trajectory more similar to men's and thus put pressure on women to compete with men on the ground shaped by men's preferences. Despite being a treasured experience of many women today, bearing children could become the luxury of the few, the province of the very poor and a choice working women will pay a high price for as women who choose pregnancy become stigmatized as self‐indulgent or unprofessional and penalized for it in the workplace. At the same time, scarce societal resources that could be used to support pregnant women and working mothers would instead be directed toward proving to women or even forcing them to gestate children “the right way.” While not necessarily threatening on its own, when added to formula feeding, IVF, stem‐cell produced ova and sex robots, full ectogenesis could diminish men's stake in women's wellbeing and even existence.
Many studies have looked at benefits of breastfeeding for the baby and, less frequently, the mother. Though many women find breastfeeding difficult, few studies have looked at the potential costs of breastfeeding for this group. From January 19th 2015 through April 18th 2015, the total of 1,980 Serbian mothers completed an on-line survey consisting of 74 questions which addressed their satisfaction with various areas of life. Mothers were divided into four groups depending on their breastfeeding experience: those who enjoy breastfeeding (Group 1), those who breastfeed despite finding it difficult (Group 2), those who do not breastfeed because they find it difficult, but otherwise would (Group 3) and those who do not breastfeed because ?it is their choice? (Group 4). There were 1,238 women (53.2%) in Group, 1, 546 (23.4%) in Group 2, 147 (6.3%) in Group 3 and 49 (2.1%) in Group 4. Group 2 scored lower than Group 1 on 25 out of 26 indicators of satisfaction. When these 26 indicators were averaged, there was a significant difference in the average scores between Group 1 (M = 6.87, SD = 1.10) and Group 2 (M = 6.33, SD = 1.20). Group 3 scored higher than Group 2 on 19 out of 26 indicators. There is a remarkably consistent difference in satisfaction across many areas of life between women who breastfeed joyfully and those who do it out of a sense of duty. As public pressure on women to breastfeed mounts, distinction between these two kinds of breastfeeding experiences should be kept in mind. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. III 47010: Social transformations and the EU accession process: a multidisciplinary approach i br. III 47006: Researching Demographic Phenomena for the Purpose of Public Policies in Serbia]
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